- EMMANUEL OLADESU
At 80, he bade farewell, having lived a honourable life and made positive impact on his country. He will be remembered for his legacies, not only as a military officer and administrator, but also as a pro-democracy crusader.
Air Commodore Dan Suleiman left behind a country that is immersed in self-inflicted crises; a unitary nation-state masquerading as a federal entity; the sixth largest oil producer in the world that cannot supply fuel to its citizens for domestic consumption; a nation wriggling in a cash-strapped economy; a country with a huge population of unemployed youths; a country with a long line of decayed infrastructure; and a colonial legacy battling with lingering identity, wealth distribution crisis and leadership ineptitude.
Throughout his earthly sojourn, Suleiman was not off the radar. When he enlisted in the military, he was bubbling with patriotism. The focus of the military then was the defence of the nation’s territorial integrity. But the soldiers derailed in a bid to correct what they alleged to be the mistakes of legitimate civil authorities and act as rectifiers.
The Nigerian military, having tasted power, never wanted to return to its full traditional responsibilities. In the process, they ended up committing more grievous errors than the civilian authorities had made to justify the military interventions in politics.
Suleiman’s involvement in the heroic battle against the elongation of military rule could as well be described as restitution. It was ironic because he could not be absolved of the blame for the military’s illegitimate rule that spanned 13 years before the advent of the Second Republic.
As a military officer, he was part of an institution that foisted itself on the people. The sins of the military rulers were many. They transformed Nigeria from a federal to a unitary state. They presided over governments that were not accountable to the citizens. They rammed their wishes down the throats of Nigerians. With their coups and counter-coups, they exacerbated the instability the political class had created across the country.
It could, therefore, be largely said that the greatest obstacle to the growth of democracy in Nigeria was the military. The words of the unelected military rulers become the law that was not debatable at any forum, except in hushed tones.
Perhaps, Suleiman could be said to have become sober in his blissful retirement. Latter-day military adventurists had, during the years of their military career, become reckless, pillaging public treasury and conducting national affairs as lords of the manor.
They ingratiated themselves with some political players, banning and unbanning some classes of politicians, and maintaining a commitment towards transition programmes they deliberately designed to fail. Under the latter-day soldiers of fortune, the state became the greatest corrupter of society.
Perhaps, Suleiman could be said to have become sober in his blissful retirement. Latter-day military adventurists had, during the years of their military career, become reckless, pillaging public treasury and conducting national affairs as lords of the manor.
They ingratiated themselves with some political players, banning and unbanning some classes of politicians, and maintaining a commitment towards transition programmes they deliberately designed to fail. Under the latter-day soldiers of fortune, the state became the greatest corrupter of society.
Yet, the solution, lied in democracy, which the military tyrants were, nevertheless, expected to midwife.
When their hypocritical transition programme collapsed on their heads, some elderly soldiers came out of their shell to join forces with genuine democrats to demand military disengagement and return to civil rule. They were eager to rescue the military from self-inflicted maladies.
If the crop of politicians misbehaving today knew the input into the pro-democracy struggle, and the loss of lives and property that character the protracted face-off, they will govern well. Unfortunately, majority of those who occupied the seat of power after the titanic struggle were military lackeys and confederates.
Embracing the new call to duty by Suleiman meant that he had voluntarily rejected the comfort zone. He joined pro-democracy fighters, like his former colleagues – Gen. Alani Akinrinade and Air Marshall Ndubuisi Kanu – to press for democratic governance, enthronement of popular rule and justice.
The struggle was stressful. But his professional training prepared him for the rigours.
Sulaiman was a gentleman officer who rose through the ranks in the Nigerian Air Force. Under General Yakubu Gowon, he served as Federal Commissioner for Special Duties and played a prominent role in the establishment of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
The Air Force officer was a member of the Supreme Military Council (SMC) under the leadership of the late General Murtala Mohammed. Before serving as military governor of Plateau State, he also served briefly as Federal Commissioner for Health.
As governor, Suleiman had proposed a closure to the tension between indigenes and settlers when he upheld the political rights of all residents without discrimination. It was in a bid to forge national integration, cohesion and unity in a heterogeneous state.
He was responsible for the progressive proposal that anyone born in Plateau State or anyone who had lived in the state for 20 years should enjoy all the rights and privileges of a native, regardless of their ethnic origin.
Plateau may have demonstrated that noble example of oneness by appointing a woman from old Oyo State, Mrs. Janet Akinrinade, as commissioner.
In the 1980s, the wave of democracy began to spread across Africa. Scholars, civil society groups and the international community started mounting pressure on Nigeria to return to democratic governance.
But, Nigerian military rulers turned a deaf ear. They continued to suppress voices of dissent. They never contemplated an orderly transfer of authority because, in their view, it amounted to the liquidation of self-acquired power. They relied, not on legitimacy, but on the barrel of gun to intimidate and cow political leaders and other critics.
The annulment of the historic June 12, 1993 poll won by the late Chief Moshood Abiola of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) was the last straw that broke the back of the camel.
The refusal of the military regime to de-annul the result of the historic poll tossed Nigerians into a nightmare. Having stepped aside, the Evil Genius, General Ibrahim Babangida, passed the baton to an interim contraption headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan, who was simply shoved aside by the maximum ruler, General Sani Abacha.
Abacha believed it was his turn to rule and there should be no resistance. He never feared the ‘civilian’ leaders of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). His headache was the involvement of his senior military colleagues in the Senator Abraham Adesanya-led chain groups – Afenifere/NADECO. He was ready to bomb, kill and maim. He brooked no opposition.
Thus, Akinrinde’s residence was bombed for daring to challenge the military Head of State. Then, Abacha sent words to Admiral Kanu to come and face him in uniform for a raw fight, with gun, like a soldier that he was. Suleiman and Akinrinade had to go on exile to continue the crusade when their lives were clearly threatened by agents of the state.
In his tribute, one of his compatriots during the dark days, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, described Suleiman as a prominent NADECO chieftain who fought the annulment of the June 12 poll.
It is an understatement. Abandoning a blissful retirement and joining forces for a hectic battle against the military government was more than a sacrifice. It underscored an audacity of courage and commitment to a strong principle.
The repercussions also came. He never planned for it. Suleiman endured the inconveniences. In his book: The Open Grave: NADECO and The Struggle for Democracy, Honourable Olawale Oshun wrote: “The harassment of General Alani Akinrinade, Air Commodore Dan Suleiman and Senator Bola Tinubu made it imperative that they should proceed on exile.
“Akinrinade and Suleiman slipped out of Nigeria together and spent a few days in a safe house in Cotonou before they were joined by Senator Bola Tinubu. They eventually moved to the United Kingdom.”
Suleiman became the chairman of NADECO abroad, having been vice chairman of its Steering Committee in Nigeria. Typical of any human organisation, disagreement ensued over structural composition. The lingering crisis led to his resignation. When it was resolved, he agreed to serve as vice chairman under the leadership of the late Chief Anthony Enahoro.
Following the sudden death of General Sani Abacha in June 1998, Suleiman returned to Nigeria on October 7, 1998, and became a part of the democratic process. He was among the frontline members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the party’s early days, rising to become its leader in Adamawa State. He was head of the party’s electoral panel in Delta State during its primaries in 2003.
The Olusegun Obasanjo administration made him the Nigerian Ambassador to the Russian Federation in 2006 and under President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, Air Commodore Suleiman was appointed the Chairman of Rubber Research Institute of Nigeria in 2009.
The retired military officer was always a guest at many events where national issues were dissected for the purpose of unity and cohesion. He lived for country and especially for democratic norms in the twilight of his eventful life.