Seriake Dickson: Blessed Are The Peacemakers, By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, when I woke up yesterday morning in Lagos, little did I envisage I was going to bump into the ebullient Governor of Bayelsa State, Chief Seriake Dickson. I was heading to breakfast when I ran into the brand new National Publicity Secretary of PDP, Mr Kola Ologbondiyan, on the ground floor of my hotel and I congratulated him on his recent appointment. Thereafter, he informed me of the presence of the Governor and said he was sure Governor Dickson would be delighted to meet with me. I replied that I was fine with that especially as I have close friends who have spoken with great enthusiasm not only about the stellar work that the Governor is doing in Bayelsa State on infrastructure and education but also about his wonderful personality and humility. I went on to have my breakfast. As if well timed and choreographed, the Chief Press Secretary to the Governor, Mr Francis Agbo, walked in and I stood up to exchange pleasantries. He told me his boss would like to meet with me asap. So I followed him to the big man’s suite. Those who know him very well profess that he is not just a giant in physique but also in intellect, hard work, executive management and political engineering.

I met the Governor and some PDP Chieftains having breakfast. The Governor looked very relaxed. We hugged, like old buddies, and he made me feel very much at home. He said he follows my articles with keen interest. I thanked him for the compliment. After he was done with breakfast, he invited me into his bedroom for a one-on-one chat. He was very frank and candid. He said he was in Lagos to reach out to aggrieved members of his Party, PDP, particularly those from the South West who were miffed about not getting the Chairmanship position, as they lost to Mr Uche Secondus from Rivers State. I recalled that he had been similarly assigned the role of brokering peace and facilitating a settlement during the imbroglio for leadership of the Party, that saw former Governors, Senator Ahmed Makarfi and Ali Modu Sherriff, pitted against one another, in an epic battle that went all the way to the Supreme Court, before Makarfi emerged victorious. I am assured that Governor Dickson is not only a peacemaker but a kingmaker.

I fired the first shot. “Do you think PDP can bounce back in 2019 now that it seems your convention has produced more bitterness than joy?” He responded that he and his reconciliation team would do everything possible to achieve unity in the Party. He admitted that no serious Party can treat the South West like outcasts without getting punished resoundingly at the polls. I was stunned by his revelation. The South West has some of the most enlightened voters in the country. “We need every vote we can get and South West is definitely included…”

I told him that the battle ahead is going to be tough, especially the Presidential election. He agreed with me that PDP would have to field a very strong and formidable candidate against a man like Buhari. He agreed that putting a weak candidate forward would hand over the presidency on a platter of gold to Buhari. I’m glad that he knows it is not going to be a walkover. We dovetailed into who and who can match Buhari in PDP. He picked them one by one while I gave my analysis and impression of them. “What do you think of Atiku?” he asked. I told him minus the age factor, Atiku is certainly one of the most prepared candidates in the country. Also, he would need to work hard at cleansing the corruption charges levelled against him. And that is not always an easy task. He agreed that Atiku is very experienced and has the wherewithal to run a great campaign.

“What of Rabiu Kwankwaso?” He asked. I was surprised and taken aback by his question which suggested that Kwankwanso who is a well known APC stalwart might be on the verge of crossing over to PDP like Atiku. The rumour mill has been agog with news of such an impending monumental defection and this to me was the first that it might be true after all. However, I did not bat an eyelid. I merely candidly replied that “I like Kwankwaso for one main reason, his performance as Governor of Kano. I’ve just received a publication detailing his incredible strides in Kano. I’ve never seen a Nigerian leader with such eye for meticulous planning and execution.” The book is titled THERE WAS A GOVERNOR: A COMPEDIUM OF SEN. (DR.) RABIU KWANKWASO’S ACHIEVEMRNTS (2011-2015). According to the book, over 6000 projects were executed. If it is true, then Kwankwaso would be a good material for the transformation of Nigeria from a third world country to a first world nation. I told the Governor such a feat should be replicated nationally and I look forward to meeting Alhaji Kwankwaso very soon to find out about his presidential ambition.

It was obvious that Governor Dickson was picking my brains and I gladly obliged him. “ What do you think of Sule Lamido…” he asked, calmly. I told him Lamido is very experienced but I’m not sure of his national appeal. He has also been weakened by the incessant and endless harassment of his family by EFCC. The next question was unexpected. It turned out that instead of me interviewing him, he was now the journalist, probing adroitly like the skilled advocate that I am assured he is. He asked about my preferred candidates and I mentioned Donald Duke, Nasir El Rufai, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, Wasiru Aminu Tambuwal, Oby Ezewesili, Peter Obi, Babatunde Fashola, Charles Soludo, and others. I made him realise in effect that my leaders of today criss-crossed Party lines. For me, these are leaders who know their onions and have proven their mettle, but require proper executive powers to be very effective in steering the affairs of State.

The Governor told me that his dream is to have leaders who would see themselves first as Nigerians and in so doing believe in and commit to the need to develop a country blessed with so much potential without reference to religious or ethnic sentiments. He said he was fortunate to have a dual Nigerian background, as he hails from both Bayelsa and Ogun State. This makes him to feel comfortable wherever he finds himself. He strongly feels that every Nigerian should similarly be comfortable whether or not they have the kind of background that he has. This can only be accomplished when the entire country is industrialised to such an extent that infrastructural facilities abound everywhere to generate, employment, income and growth.

He is very excited about his government’s policy on education. As far as he is concerned, no stone should be left unturned to educate the people, because it is only from sound minds that the kind of vision and dedication necessary to take Nigeria to the level that it should be, can come. This is why he and his government have invested greatly in the youths through education and one of his proud achievements is the link with Lincoln University in America where the State has more than 20 students studying various disciplines. Indeed history was made earlier this year when a Bayelsan, Perewari Victor Pere distinguished himself as the best graduating student of that University and was honoured with the status of Valedictorian and delivered the valedictory at the University’s commencement. The Governor stated that he felt proud to be a Nigerian on this accord and considered this a vindication of his education policies. He believes that investment in education will pay off eventually.

In concluding our chat, he told me that no matter what happens, PDP will get its groove back. For him, it was necessary to ensure not only the stability of the polity but also to institutionalise our democratic mores and structures. Whilst, I have no evidence that this will happen soon, I agree that Nigeria does not need a one-party State. As to the PDP bouncing back soon, I can only say that in Nigeria, nothing is impossible.

TEN YEARS OF OVATION CAROL

How time flies indeed. Ten years ago, we decided to start a project that would promote our young and talented artists. It was anchored on the spirit of Christmas as we felt that it was our opportunity to create a platform where we would not only give something financially to worthy causes but we would also transform the lives of artistes in music, fashion, comedy and the performing arts generally. We decided to call the event Ovation Red Carol and one of the first decisions was that it would be a fun event and free to all. It all started like a joke but today it has really caught fire. The event is now not only watched live in Nigeria, it is televised and streamed all over the globe. It is based on our belief that in all things, technology must take the forefront and we must show that Nigerians and Nigeria are advanced despite out other shortcomings.

Apart from being a launch pad for various young talented artistes, and showcasing some mega international and domestic performers over the years, the event has become an annual entertainment jamboree which people look forward to, even before the current one ends.

It is gratifying to note with all sense of humility and modesty that people have congratulated us at Ovation for pioneering this kind of event on the grand scale that we have, as this is now being replicated in many parts of Nigeria.

We have been fortunate to have very good partners in this venture who have supported us with their time and resources. They transcend every area of our national endeavour and we consider ourselves and the nation truly blessed. All those that have shared the adventure with us are important and dear to us but we cannot but mention the spectacular efforts of our first sponsors, versatile international bankers, UBA, and lately, international telecommunications giant, Glo. This year we also have had the honour and pleasure of including the Esther Ajayi Foundation in the list of those we are working with in order to continue engendering a special Christmas occasion for our teeming supporters and the generality of the Nigerian populace.

We are grateful to everyone for their support and participation in this grand project and pray for God to bless us all in this Christmas season. Thank you very much.

Introducing Ovation Books Via Yakubu Dogara, By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, let me confess that one of the first adages I learnt as a kid was “man proposes but God disposes.” That is the story of our foray into book publishing at Ovation International. As prolific as most people say I’m, I’ve never been able to write and publish a full length book. Yet I have at least more than enough materials to come up with about six voluminous books. Many readers have pleaded with me to compile my Pendulum column into several books but for some strange reasons I’ve been procrastinating endlessly. My first collection was ready as far back as 1997, some 20 years ago, while I was in exile. It was edited by Dr Reuben Abati, who wrote a very powerful introduction, but it was never published. Since then, I have written hundreds of articles and essays. There was also a book written by Ohimai Godwin Amaize, my Presidential Campaign Coordinator, after my audacious Presidential contest in 2011, titled FIGHTING LIONS, but which has also not been published till this day. But that jinx has now been broken, finally.

As I write this, the biography of Nigeria’s Speaker, Federal House of Representatives Rt. Hon. Dogara Yakubu, authored by me and published by Ovation Books, is set to be launched on December 26, 2017, the day this quiet but effective leader turns 50 years on earth. I’ve encountered many leaders globally but Dogara Yakubu is in a class of his own. I feel so privileged to have worked with a fantastic team on this project and the end product is what I’m extremely proud of. What started like a joke has virtually become a reality.

Life indeed is a mystery. I met the Rt. Hon. Dogara Yakubu in a most dramatic fashion in 2015. He had just gone through a very tough selection process to become the number four citizen in Nigeria, as Speaker, Federal House of Representatives. I received a message that he would love to meet with me as part of his efforts to reach out to media influencers and give out his own side of the story about the raging controversy surrounding his miraculous emergence. I was honoured to be so counted. I offered to visit him at home, or at work. But he chose to visit me in my hotel room in Abuja. For me, it was such a humbling experience.
Speaker Yakubu came and we bonded instantly. His humility was simply infectious. He spoke from the heart and enlightened me on what transpired at the House the day he became Speaker. We never saw again until sometime this year when I got a message from Mrs Olubunmi Badejo who informed me the Speaker was trying to reach me. I also got the same message from Presidential spokesman, Mr Femi Adesina. This was getting serious, I soliloquised. I met with Mrs Badejo and she gave me a picture of what the Speaker wanted me to do. She said the Speaker believed I could publish a good biography on his journey through life so far.
This looked spiritual to me because the offer came at a time Ovation was just working on diversifying into book publishing by leveraging on our huge contact with African newsmakers. I was particularly sad when one of the greatest Africans of the 20thcentury, Chief Antonio Oladeinde Fernandez died two years ago in Belgium without any proper biography to his name. The closest anyone could get were the phenomenal editions Ovation published on his life in several volumes beginning with the one about his island in New York, another on his sprawling and ocean-going yacht named YEMOJA (sea goddess) and the edition on the monumental divorce case involving his American wife, Olufunmilayo Aduke, a landmark divorce fiasco in Scotland. I had tried strenuously to get him to agree to allowing me work on his fairytale life. Some of our greatest men and women seem to hate people prying into their private lives. Just imagine that there are no serious biographies on some of our icons. They come into this world, spend over 80 years, achieve so much, and depart and vanish into total oblivion. Apart from biographies, there are no books chronicling historic events and showcasing important places and destinations. I’ve always admired writers like Segun Adeniyi for making that uncommon effort to capture historic moments for us. Segun has inspired me so much and I’ve taken up the challenge to add mine to your library. Thanks to Dogara Yakubu, I’ve decided to cross the Rubicon.
To cut the story short, let me tell you how it all happened. After a meeting with the Speaker, we reached an agreement to work on his biography. I knew he definitely had a good story to tell but I didn’t know it would be this captivating. The biggest challenge was going to be how to get him to sit still for hours of interviews and excruciating sessions. The only time he had was when I chased him to London and disturbed his brief vacation. We sat down daily and I was able to get him to pour out his heart to me and I was very impressed with his journey of faith. I was handed a long list of people to speak many of whom were very influential and powerful Nigerians. That was another tough aspect of the work. But we did not give up and today, the book is virtually ready. We give God all the glory.
It was a tough call and mission. I assembled my reliable and dependable team. Sola Ojewusi, Ohimai Godwin Amaize and Uzor Maxim Uzoatu readily came to mind because of our intellectual collaborations over time. We brought in more hands and the Speaker made the job a lot easier by providing us with logistical supports. We set out in earnest because we had just a few months to deliver a world class publication. We are delighted to present this book to the reading public.
I will like to thank the Rt. Hon. Dogara Yakubu for the confidence he had in us. We met a few times in Nigeria and London, for his interviews. We also spread our wings across Nigeria and Dubai. We are very grateful to all the wonderful friends and families of the Speaker who spoke to us and gave us relevant information and old tales about our subject. I’m particularly grateful to the three former Speakers who met with our team at very short notice.
I must also thank the Speaker’s amiable wife, Her Excellency Mrs. Gimbiya Dogara Yakubu for her insights and inputs. I thank the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, His Excellency Muhammadu Buhari GCFR for graciously accepting to write the foreword. I also thank Their Excellencies, Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, Governor of Sokoto State, Alhaji Adamu Muazu, erstwhile Governor of Bauchi State, former Speakers Ghali Na’Abba, Patricia Etteh and Dimeji Bankole, Deputy Speaker Yusuf Lasun. Hundreds of Dogara’s colleagues in the House of Representatives and the Senate were also instrumental to the huge repository of information contained in this book and I am forever grateful to them. But for the fact that it is practically impossible to mention all names here, I would have done so.
I am grateful to members of Speaker Dogara’s family especially Mama Kaka Saratu, his aged mother in Gwarangah, Bauchi State whose retentive memory helped me to define properly, Dogara’s upbringing. I appreciate Dogara’s siblings in Bauchi, Abuja and Gwarangah, his relations, the Gung Zaar, Commodore Musa Komo Rtd. and the great Zaar people of Bauchi State. I also acknowledge the contributions of Dogara’s friends, mentors, especially the erudite Professors Joash Amupitan, SAN, Dakas Dakas SAN, Dauda Saleh, Suleiman Bogoro and Simon Yallams for their seminal contributions.
I must recognize the contributions of Rt. Hon. Dogara Yakubu’s office staff from the Chief of Staff, Hon. Jerry Manwe, his Deputy Hon. CID Maduabum, S.A. Media Turaki Hassan, Chief of Protocol Yakubu Ridi Tulu, S.A. Jolly Yakubu, Messrs. Ishaya Dangana, Murtala Jumma and Mr. Anuhu Mani.
The sterling roles of Mr. Gambo Hassan and Mrs. Olubunmi Badejo in making this venture a success cannot be overemphasized.
I equally cannot forget the efforts of Maxwell Jonge, John Balewa, Samuel Mbami, Ope Olotu, Jerry Asseh, John Pilaku and Seyi Fashina who travelled far and near helping to gather the information and data that assisted me in putting this book together.
All in all, I thank Almighty God for his unflinching protection and support in ensuring that this work succeeded. Glory and Honour to His Holy Name.
I hope that this book would meet your expectations and give you uncommon insight into the unusual life of Speaker Dogara Yakubu. His story is spectacular. I will humbly recommend it to all those who have lost faith and hope in their dreams. The Speaker is an example of God’s endless miracles. You need to enter this book right away in order to appreciate what God can do if we believe in Him. I expect this book to educate, entertain and inspire both the young and old.
The story of Dogara Yakubu is not yet finished. The epic is still unfolding.

Domestic Violence: Lessons From The Arowolo Saga

Recently, there have been high profile cases of domestic violence, of spouse against spouse. One In Ibadan earned a lady lawyer seven years imprisonment for killing her husband. Also in Abuja, the son of a former National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was allegedly murdered in cold blood by his wife who stabbed him severally. Before now, what was more common was the killing of wives by their husband.

However, who gets killed and by whom is not as important as the fact that domestic violence in whatever way it rears its ugly head must not be condoned. Its impact on the family, especially the trauma it visits on the children, is incalculable. The stigma it leaves behind can trail a family for generations.

Some years back, when a similar incident took place, we had cause to speak up against it then. As at that time, our argument remains the same as we recall that particular unfortunate situation.. We hope that prison terms will help in deterring couples from choosing that path as the way out of whatever is the problem. We can only add that before the harm is done, a visit to a marriage counsellor can save an ugly outcome of a messy marital relationship. That editorial is here reproduced.

Akolade Arowolo, as a young man, newly married, had plans for the future with his banker wife, Titilayo. But that plan was derailed on June 24, 2011 which curiously was his birth day. On that day, he was alleged to have stabbed his wife and mother of his only child 76 times till she died. But that dastardly act ceased to be an allegation as soon as Justice Lateefat Okunnu of the Ikeja High Court, Lagos, after a 31 month trial, and based on overwhelming evidence by witnesses, found him guilty and sentenced him to death.

Before that fateful day, the couple who were barely two years old in their marriage, were reported to have had a stormy relationship causing his late wife to flee on 10 occasions as a result of the man’s perceived fiery temper. But on each occasion, she had to come back home, much against the warnings of her father, because she believed that her seemingly remorseful husband was indeed repentant. It was also said that she was, indeed, planning to divorce her husband. This was inexplicably delayed and it turned fatal.

A lot has been said and written about domestic violence. The most familiar is wife battering or a woman poisoning her husband’s food. But this particular incident of a man being so furious to the point of giving his wife 76 knife stabs and killing her in the process is unprecedented and bestial in its cruelty.

However, we are also persuaded to ask, did this lady not know this man before deciding to live with him as his wife? Was the marriage a product of one of those child-like infatuations based on the stupid aphorism that the first impression is the best impression? Was there no courtship during which period the couple would have found out things about themselves? Were their parents well-disposed to the relationship and were satisfied enough to give their consent? Again, are we just to run with the impression that it was all the man’s fault, that the woman did not play any role in the circumstances that led to her untimely death? Could she have provoked him to the point that he could not be placated? Much as we are stridently against murder under any guise, some of these questions are germane to the issue. But they are academic now because the lady is dead and the man is on his way to death.

We are repulsed by the immensity of this wickedness regardless of what might have taken place between the couple that led to the unfortunate incident and therefore agree with Justice Okunnu that the society is better off without the likes of Arowolo. Even if his wife was a monster, he had the option to return her to her parents. Terminating her young life ought not to have been part of the calculation

 

Source: LEADERSHIP

Hajiya Mairo Maryam Tambuwal Lauds Sa’adiya Bello On Elevation As Professor

The wife of the Sokoto state governor and founder of MMAWT Legacy Initiative, Hajiya Mairo Maryam Aminu Tambuwal has congratulated Professor Sa’adiya Umar Bello, of the Usman Danfodio University, Sokoto, on her elevation to the rank of a professor.

An event was organized in honour of Professor Sa’adiya Umar Bello of by the Sokoto State Government, and it was held at the Auditorium of Umaru Aliyu Shinkafi Polytechnic in Sokoto. This was attended by people from all walks of life, including the members of the Academia, politicians, Women groups, religious groups and dignitaries from within and outside the State.

In her goodwill message as the special guest of honour, delivered by her representative, Hajiya Laraba Dattijo, the wife of the governor cogratulated Professor Sa’adiya for attaining the exalted rank of a professor which she said was not by accident, considering the untiring contributions of the professor in all affairs ranging from religious and peace propagation, mentoring and her commitment to the promotion of girl child education.

Hajiya Mairo Maryam Tambuwal said Professor Sa’adiya is a role model, that other women should strive to emulate.

Professor Asabe Kabir read the citation while the commissioner for women affairs, Hajiya Kulu Sifawa spoke on the importance of women empowerment .

The highlight of the event was the public presentation of a Book Authored by Professor Sa’adiya Umar Bello titled: MALAMAI MATA A DAULAR USMANIYYA A KARNI NA 19 DA 20. One hundred copies of the book were also purchased by MMAWT Legacy Initiative at an amount that was not disclosed.

The Sokoto State Government, through its representative, Professor Bashir Garba, Secretary of State government, purchased the books to be re-distributed across schools in the state for the sum of five million naira.


 

 

 

 

Wanted: Panel-beaters, Not Panels By Sonala Olumhense Syndicated

President Muhammadu Buhari has an important lesson to learn from the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Walter Onnoghen.
Last week in Abuja, the nation’s lead judge affirmed his desire to prosecute and convict corrupt judges. He stated that the only way to deal with the “bad eggs in the justice sector” is to ensure that corrupt judges are not merely disgraced, but also effectively prosecuted and convicted.

He was speaking at the opening of the 2017 All Nigeria Judges’ conference, at which President Buhari was present. The CJN demanded the total independence of the judiciary from any form of external pressure from other arms of government.
He had even stronger words for the arm led by President Buhari, saying it lacks respect for the rule of law, and stressing it must learn to obey court judgments and orders.
“Closely linked to the independence of the Judiciary is the need for governments and institutions to obey court orders and judgments,” he declared.
President Buhari, learning he would be speaking to the nation’s judges, had demands of his own: he wanted action by the judiciary on pending “high-profile” cases and to clear the large backlog of cases. He did not say anything about the consistent refusal of his government to abide by the rule of law and obey court orders.
And he certainly did not demand the prosecution and conviction of members of the executive, akin to judges in the judiciary, who are corrupt.
As if to underline the depth of the depravity besetting that arm of the government, an instructive crisis erupted the following day when the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) attempted to arrest Ekpenyong Ita, a former Director-General of the State Security Services (SSS), and Ayo Oke, the former Director-General of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) who was fired on October 30. The agency was pre-empted by officials of the SSS and the NIA.
Buhari’s firing of Mr. Oke, along with Babachir Lawal, the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, was undertaken months after he received the report in which both men were indicted, and six months after they were suspended from office.
He did not insist that they be prosecuted, and by late last week, had not said anything about the interagency fighting at the soul of his administration.
Responding to public pressure following the firing of Lawal and Oke in October, presidential spokesman Garba Shehu explained that the relevant agencies would continue with their investigations. “When and where they have reasonable grounds to charge former or serving officers to court under our laws, they do not require the permission of the President to do so.”
That claim sounded doubly devious at the time, as if the investigation led by Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo, which led to the firing of the two officials, was insufficient to lead to their prosecution.
Nonetheless, the Buhari government now faces a situation in which an effort by one of its agencies to make an arrest is physically rebuffed by another agency. How can a committed leader pretend not to notice?
On Wednesday, that sequence of events caused an uproar in the Senate, where at least one Senator raised the alarm that Mr. Buhari has lost control of his government.
But by that time, the president was elsewhere inaugurating a committee to audit assets recovered by government agencies in his war on corruption.
According to him, such an audit became necessary because “fundamental gaps still exist in ensuring that the recovered assets are accounted for, and managed in an accurate, transparent and logical manner.”
That sounded like a confirmation that not all the funds being recovered are being paid into the TSA in full, on time, and beyond any doubt.
In other words, in its two and a half years, the Buhari government has coped with a deficit of integrity even in the inner circles of his anti-corruption work.
That does not surprise close watchers of the administration. Nor will Buhari’s decision to set up another panel, his go-to response to deflect pressure, instead of action to punish the guilty.
This is why, while the president wants action on so-called high-profile cases, the truth is that there is a gross insufficiency of such cases. Not enough of Nigeria’s high-profile corrupt-including those from whom funds have been recovered-are being brought before the law.
In other words, the cure has become worse than the disease, which is perhaps why each development is now more damning that the previous one. The United Nations, for instance, has now categorically indicted the Buhari government, a report of UNDP and the National Human Rights Commission accusing the federal and state governments of lacking the political will to address the humanitarian challenges in Nigeria’s northeast ravaged by Boko Haram insurgency.
That report, “North East Nigeria: Human Rights Assessment Report (2015 – 2017)”, confirms the common knowledge that the Buhari government has not served the displaced populations of the northeast well. It is to be noted that Mr. Lawal lost his job on account of the diversion of funds meant for the IDPs. But Buhari cannot bring himself to say the former SGF should be prosecuted.
Similarly, last June Nigeria was exposed when it was discovered that a gift of 200 tonnes of dates donated to the same IDPs by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia as a Ramadan gift was diverted by officials into Nigerian market stalls. But as is the template, the Buhari government said it would investigate; as always, it never prosecuted anyone.
It is also to be remembered that in May 2016, following the second consecutive scandal in which the Global Fund confirmed that its funds sent to Nigeria had been looted, the government set up three separate investigations. But just like the response of the Goodluck Jonathan government to the first report, the Buhari government response never disgraced, let alone prosecuted, anyone.
What makes last week perhaps the most interesting so far is that it became an intersection of the judiciary with the executive’s preference for techniques of propaganda, delays, interminable investigations, and parallel panels.
Only last month, AGF Abubakar Malami told a delegation of the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project the government would soon obey the July 2017 court order to publish a full record of loot it has recovered so far. Rather than publishing that report, another panel was this week set up allegedly for an audit.
Sadly, this rigmarole is thriving despite, and alongside Nigeria’s many problems. Instead of actively growing Nigeria’s economy through creating opportunities and deploying the nation’s vast imagination, poor leadership is holding the country back and stoking the dangerous fires of cynicism. The Nigerian misery index is deepening because not only have we allowed those who stole Nigeria’s money to keep it, we are using even more resources to keep such people protected when it is easier to recover these resources and ensure their re-investment and circulation.
It is sad to think that the Buhari government never had a real plan to execute its electoral promises, and sadder still to realize it lacks the heart to be Nigeria’s savior through service by principle and character, not words.

Her Husband’s Achilles’ Heel : How Grace Mugabe Got Her Husband Into Trouble

Grace, wife of Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe, has been on a collision course with the military, for trying to supplant former Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa.

She had accused the military of trying to trying to impose Mnangagwa as her husband’s successor, and therefore manoeuvring the dismissal of the Vice President.

The impasse became bare as Mugabe attempted to impose his wife as his successor, causing the pushed by the military to intervene, throwing the southern African country into turmoil.

The president’s 52-year-old wife was due to be installed as Zanu-PF and country’s vice-president at the party’s extra ordinary congress scheduled for mid December.

Army commander General Constantino Chiwenga, a key ally of Mr Mnangagwa, had on Monday warned that the military may be forced to step in to stop the purges in the ruling party.

The situation took a dramatic turn following today when army tanks started rolling into the capital Harare. After midnight, reports started emerging that several ministers linked to a Zanu-PF faction backing Mrs Mugabe, known as G40, had been arrested.

 

President Robert Mugabe and wife, Grace
They include Finance minister Ignatius Chombo, who is also the Zanu-PF secretary for administration and Local Government minister, Saviour Kasukuwere and Higher Education minister Jonathan Moyo.

Prof Moyo, a Zanu-PF strategist, was publicly singled out by Gen Chiwenga as a foreign spy who was working to destroy the ruling party from within. The outspoken minister prepared a dossier of Mr Mnangagwa’s alleged crimes that included corruption and attempted murder that were being used to push for the ousted VP’s exit.

According to the army statement announcing the unprecedented intervention, only ‘criminals’ surrounding President Mugabe were being targeted in the crackdown that was initially confined to Harare.

“Firstly, we wish to assure the nation that His Excellency, the President, of the Republic of Zimbabwe, head of state and government and commander in chief of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, Cde R.G Mugabe and his family are safe and sound and their security is guaranteed,” army spokesperson Major General Sibusiso Moyo said in a statement broadcast in the early hours of Wednesday.

“We are only targeting criminals around him who are committing crimes that are causing social and economic suffering in the country in order to bring them to justice. As soon as we have accomplished our mission we expect that the situation will return to normalcy,” he added.

The state broadcaster suspended normal programming. Songs inspired by the country’s liberation war were being played on television and radio channels most of the day.

It remained unclear who was in charge of the country on Wednesday as the military insisted that it would not interfere with government business amid reports that President Mugabe and his wife were under house arrest.

Mr Mnangagwa was viewed as President Mugabe’s successor until a dramatic fallout around July where the 93-year-old ruler and his wife began countrywide rallies during which they denounced him for being power hungry.

The former VP, who worked with President Mugabe for over 52 years, and was at one time the latter’s personal assistant, constantly denied the accusations until he was fired.

He escaped to South Africa where he issued a statement last week threatening to return in a few weeks to take over ‘the leavers of power”. Mr Mnangagwa was backed by Zimbabwe’s former liberation war fighters who last year demanded that President Mugabe must handover power to his deputy.

The demands by the former fighters angered the president, who spearheaded a purge against Mr Mnangagwa’s followers that would have culminated in mass expulsions at the party’s December extra ordinary congress.

Gen Chiwenga had said Zanu-PF’s squabbles over President Mugabe’s succession had paralysed the economy and was fast becoming a security threat. He had given the party an ultimatum to stop the purges and expel the alleged infiltrators.

Zanu-PF has been on the edge over the veteran ruler’s succession since 2014 when then Vice-President Joice Mujuru was expelled from government and the party for allegedly plotting against the president.

The 75-year-old Mnangagwa, who was backed by the military and had support from two Zanu-PF provinces, quickly established himself as a serious contender for the presidency.

 

The Kaduna Teachers Brouhaha: Nigeria’s Education Sector Is A Nonsensical Structure

By Olusola Osineye
I think I should weigh in on this Kaduna Teacher issue.
I know about education because apart from my other qualifications, I am also a trained teacher; I am qualified through certification. I also have what is referred to as QTS in the UK – qualified teacher status. So, my little opinion is something you should take seriously. It’s unlike those yapping on facebook and know absolutely nothing about how education works apart from their self-professed intellectual prowess in virtually every single issue about Nigeria.
I will give a bit of background.
If you also follow education closely, you would be aware that UK-trained teachers are probably the most sought-after from all over the world. Recruiting agents from some ‘specific countries’ are constantly in London looking for Science, Maths and English teachers to poach. Note the specific countries in quote. An agent recently contacted me about working as science teacher in Dubai, but I was not interested. Two colleagues went for it. The specific countries above include Russia, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, China, UAE, Singapore, Qatar, Kuwait, Thailand and Philippines.
It is however rare to see countries like Canada, Australia, United States, N.Zealand, or developed countries recruiting for teachers from other countries, except they have shortages and are desperate for qualified trained teachers. This information is relevant so that you can understand that teaching profession in most developed countries is cult-like. It is heavily protected because the institution is where the future leaders of their countries are developed.
UK recently faced acute shortage of Science teachers and had to start recruiting teachers from abroad. They focused their attention on Australia, New Zealand and Canada. While doing this to plug the gap, they started an aggressive campaign to train more science teachers and offered between £20k to £30k tax-free bursary for graduates willing to train to become teachers. They also offered other incentives like grants and loans for the tuition fees. In this programme you would meet PhD holders in Physics, Maths, Chemistry, experienced Journalists, former investment bankers etc undergoing training to become teachers. Many like me do it because they enjoy it, others have a passion for it while some just want to inspire and give back to society.
Long time ago, I remember writing an update about encouraging Nigerian PhD holders to teach in our secondary schools. I was savaged by most of the noise-makers who are now screaming about the rot in Kaduna. These irresponsible layabouts don’t even have a PhD, but they view teaching as a profession above PhD holders and fit only for losers.
The major problem with education in Nigeria is total lack of understanding of how education should be structured.
Let me explain further. I will now be very brutal. When I write update about my status as a teacher, some people would come on my wall and view me as belonging to their ‘Nigerian category of teachers’. Sorry, I do not belong to that category. What you have in Nigeria are not trained teachers. Just imagine classifying me in the same category as those Kaduna teachers. Does that even make sense to you? I finished from medical school; I later did an MBA; I have Microsoft certification in database; I am a PHP and JS programmer. I also have PGCE Science (Chemistry) plus QTS. How many Nigerian secondary or primary school teachers have you met with such qualifications? How many Nigerian secondary or primary school teachers have you met with PhD in any field?
If we were to take statistics of Nigerian teachers we should not be shocked if 70-80% of them are not trained teachers. Many graduates who cannot find a job simply turn to teaching because it’s profession for losers in Nigeria. You will never find such nonsense in any serious country.
If you want to teach in any developed country, you either study for education in your undergraduate course or you acquire your first degree and take post-graduate training in education. During this post-graduate training, you will then undergo proper training, with school placements to become a qualified teacher who is able to work with children from age 4-19
Teaching is not for losers in other countries. It is only in Nigeria where teachers are viewed as losers. So, what you have in Kaduna and Edo State should not surprise anybody. The same situation plays itself out all over the country. I pity the SW States. I have been screaming for ages that SW states are doomed as far as education is concerned. Kaduna State is even higher than all of them in WAEC results.
What El-Rufai did in Kaduna is to me a meaningless political solution to a deep and protracted problem. The State has no trained teachers to fill the place of the sacked layabouts who should never have been anywhere close to a school. He is going to replace the current set of losers with another set of losers. People become teachers in Nigeria because they have nothing better to do. That is root of the problem.
And finally, one area that draws my ire the most is when some ignorant Nigerians start comparing the role of teachers and lecturers. That comparison in itself is where you begin to understand why they believe teaching is for losers. Their thinking is that lecturers are somehow placed higher than teachers because they teach students who are aged 18 and above. Let me educate you on this too.
No matter your qualification, you’d NEVER be allowed close to pupils and students in primary/secondary schools without proper training. That is the protocol in all developed countries. You are also constantly checked for police clearance to work in early years, primary and secondary schools. That is where they build the foundation for the future of their countries.
To lecture in further education, colleges or Universities, you are not required to be trained. You do not need a teaching qualification. A teacher can therefore decide to lecture if he/she chose to. You only need to show adequate knowledge in your field, acquire (or be registered for) a PhD. A lecturer who is not trained to be a teacher cannot go near a primary or secondary school, even if you are a Professor in your field. That is the standard protocol. So there’s no basis for comparison. It is common to read updates where ignorant Nigerians place lecturers on a higher pedestal as if teachers are somehow supposed to aspire to be lecturers. I don’t even understand how this hierarchy was created. But then if you look at the state of education and the appalling level of ignorance in the Nigerian society, you will understand why the country is hopelessly underdeveloped and in a sorry state.
For anything to change in Nigeria’s education sector, you have to demolish the whole nonsensical structure. The system is rotten inside out. The funding that goes towards education is incredibly depressing. The practitioners are paid minimum wage and therefore the sector only attracts losers. Sacking the teachers will not increase funding to the sector neither will it increase their wages. Teachers should be be qualified and trained before they are allowed near primary or secondary schools; they should be paid decent wages, the schools should be given resources to make the teachers effective. There should be regular CPD to update the knowledge of the teachers. Teaching should be made a cult-like profession like in all other developed countries. Teachers are meant to build and train your future leaders. The current Nigerian teachers are losers; they are developing losers for the future of Nigeria. That is why you have people like Dino, Buruji and Fayose aspiring to be your President.

Dapo ‘Dapsy’ Olorunyomi @60: He Makes A Meaningful Difference, By Kunle Ajibade

What meaning are we talking about? What significance? In this age of information overload, journalism is facing some seemingly intractable problems, one of which is the breakdown in the trust of readers and viewers of many of our journalistic contents. Senior journalists have been responding to this trust deficit differently: some with a lot of concern; others with unrelenting contempt and perhaps cynicism. Dapo Olorunyomi is one of those who have been responding to it with a deep concern principally by framing the issues involved intelligently and setting up, and helping to set up, institutions that have been mulling over the issues. Driven by moral courage, believing that critical, creative and investigative journalism is still in a putative phase in our country, Olorunyomi has been an implacable fighter for a restoration of its dignity and nobility.

How do we design publications that will enlighten and entertain readers in equal measure with greater social, moral and political awareness? How do we make sure that journalistic mediums don’t just become pseudo-platforms for image burnishing for demagogues and plunderers? As journalists do we just dump down on our readers or create the market that will elevate their tastes? How do we retrain, mould and remould prospective media workers who have been badly trained by their colleges? These are some of the many critical questions that remain constant in a region of Dapo’s mind. His capacity to theorize the issues involved had helped in many ways to build human and material resources for Nigerian journalism. As he carries out this important duty, his moral intelligence insists on high standards. Participants – trainers and trainees, mentors and mentees – at the Wole Soyinka Centre for Investigative Journalism’s workshops and training clinics can bear witness to this.

Long before he became a prime mover of the Wole Soyinka Centre for Investigative Journalism and The Premium Times, he had worked in The Guardain, The Herald, African Concord, The African Guardian, TheNEWS, TEMPO and P.M. NEWS. For over thirty years that Dapo has worked in these places, one distinctive high energy that he has always displayed is that of a mentor among mentors. He has the uncommon gift to see talent in young reporters and writers, and he always knows how to patiently bring out the best in them. All those who have had the good fortune of being trained by him have blossomed to become top professionals today.

Lillian Ross, in Here But Not Here, a very fascinating memoir of her years at The New Yorker, wrote, among other things, about William Shawn, who edited The New Yorker for 35 years: ‘‘He took a personal interest in each writer, forming relationships that would make all of them feel secure and enable them to do their best work.’’ Ross the great writer, who was one of the pioneers of New Journalism, may just well be speaking of Dapo Olorunyomi the Nigerian editor who always relates to his junior colleagues because he believes strongly that he owes them obligations. Ever confident of his own prodigious talent, Dapo is never afraid of being overshadowed or intimidated by the constellation of stars or rising stars in his firmament. Indeed, he is always excited by bright and knowledgeable young writers and reporters, not just because they make his own job as editor easier but as Harold Ross, the first editor of The New Yorker, used to say ‘‘the future is in his head.’’ In Dapo’s head, in his hands, as a writer, editor and publisher, stories become so lucid, so informed and immensely entertaining. For him, reporting is artistry itself. He believes that his job is to expose and explain both simple and complex things. And what a wonderful job he has made of it all these turbulent years of outrage and despair and struggles. Dapo could pass for one of the editors that J.D. Salinger, the novelist, once described as ‘‘the most unreasonably modest of born great artist-editors,’’ for he tirelessly plays the role of editor as artist with infinite compassion and amazing graciousness.

All conscientious editors know that excellent editing demands deep concentration and devotion to details as they go through every tedious process of making sure that a writer’s facts, logic, syntax, grammar, words and sentences conform to the beauty of the language and the thrilling wonder of journalism. What is not always immediately known and appreciated is that conscientious editors live for their reporters and writers. As challenging as the task of editing was in African Concord, in The African Guardian, in TheNEWS, TEMPO and P.M.NEWS, where I had worked with Dapo, he enjoyed it tremendously. He was always eager to breathe life into stories in order to make them fit for print. He has always committed himself to clear thinking and astonishing pieces of writing. I should quickly add that he was not averse to incendiary writings if they would help to expose crooks, dictators, assassins and executive robbers in government and other powerful and sacred places.

Olorunyomi respects ideas and facts which he uses to broaden his own intellectual range. He cares for originality. Sometimes, he could be too indulgent with brilliant imaginative writers, but generally he is genuinely democratic in the newsroom and outside of it. His open elitism and sophistication never prevents him from relating to and bonding with everyday people. His sophisticated mind is a result of his voracious reading habit. Yet, his intellectualism is never narcissistic, it is never sanctimonious. I don’t know what books he would be reading as he joins the band of senior citizens, but I know that as a bright young man in the Department of Literature in English at the University of Ife, he used to read a lot of V.S. Naipaul’s non-fiction. When Naipaul travelled to the Caribbean Islands, Indonesia, Iran, East Africa, India etc etc. you would think that he took Dapo Olorunyomi along. For as he smoked his cigarettes and gulped his beer, Olorunyomi would regale you with Naipaul’s wonderful stories and the enchanting sentences of his travelogues. Dapo knows that you can never become a remarkably elegant and inventive writer with moral intelligence, deep insights and striking intimacies if you are not an imaginative reader.

Dapo is a restless soul. A wonderful risk taker. He loves travelling in new, different directions. He believes that new world, new horizons, new frontiers belong to all risk takers. As those who have worked with him as a journalist, as a pro-democracy activist and cultural worker can testify, if an assignment is not dangerous and challenging Dapo is not always interested in it. Dapo may be reticent about those difficult patriotic tasks, but the fact speaks eloquently for itself: he has been, and he remains, a fierce fighter for egalitarian ideals. He supports all good causes endlessly, truthfully and gracefully. Many of his friends are often worried that he is too carefree and lighthearted about problems that need urgent attention. I say carefree, not careless. He sometimes behaves like a bohemian – maybe age will temper that now. It seems to me that this carefree nature is part of the complexity of Dapo’s life which he has deliberately made simple. More crucially, he hates becoming an object of pity or a burden to any one.

As Dapo turns sixty at this difficult moment for journalism, and for the majority of our country men and women, his spirit of doggedness should inspire us to build institutions and a country that we will all be proud of. Dapo Olorunyomi is a shining example of what was possible in the past, what is possible in the present and many possibilities of the future, if we all resolve to be smoking guns of principles, to be strong and constant agents of positive change, in our different stations in life. I respect his strength of character and his sense of higher purpose. May his mind remain sound.

Mr Kunle Ajibade, Executive Editor of TheNEWS/P.M.NEWS, read this tribute at a special panel organised by the Lagos Books and Arts Festival on 9 November, 2017 in celebration of Dapo Olorunyomi.

Kenyatta Gets 98% In Flawed Re-run

Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta was on Monday declared victor of the country’s deeply divisive elections, taking 98 percent of the ballots cast in a poll boycotted by his rival Raila Odinga, sparking fears of further violence in flashpoint opposition strongholds.

Despite his crushing win, the turnout of just 38.8 percent among 19.6 million registered voters is set to raise questions about the credibility of an election that has plunged East Africa’s most stable democracy into its worst crisis in a decade.

Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) chairman Wafula Chebukati said Kenyatta had received 7,483,895 votes to Odinga’s 73,228 — less than one percent of votes cast — in a sign the boycott had held.

A total of 7,616,217 cast ballots in Thursday’s protest-hit election.

The vote was the chaotic climax of two months of political drama after the Supreme Court overturned Kenyatta’s victory in August 8 polls over widespread irregularities and mismanagement by the IEBC.

Violent protests, the murder of an IEBC official and the resignation of another who fled the country condemning a flawed process, have seen the country lurch from crisis to crisis during the election period.

Chebukati — who just before the election had called into doubt its credibility due to internal IEBC divisions and political interference — said he was confident the poll had been “free, fair and credible”.

Ahead of the announcement, security was stepped up in flashpoint areas in the west, in Nairobi’s Mathare slum and its central business district, and also in the coastal city of Mombasa, a senior police source told AFP.

Shortly after the results were announced, demonstrators began burning tyres in the western city of Kisumu as well as in Nairobi’s Kibera slum, AFP correspondents said.

While calm has reigned for the past 48 hours in the restive west of the country and some flashpoint Nairobi slums, the announcement is expected to fuel further anger and protests.

At least nine people have died since election day, many shot by police according to rights groups, taking the death toll since the first presidential election on August 8 to 49.

Odinga refused to take part in the re-run, accusing the IEBC of failing to make sufficient reforms to ensure it would not be flawed.

He called on his voters to stay away on election day. But in the west, many blocked polling stations, leading to violent clashes with police.

Plans to restage the vote in the western regions on Saturday were quickly called off after a second day of protests, over fears for the safety of polling staff.

And Chebukati decided Monday to abandon plans to reschedule the vote in 25 violence-hit constituencies where voting could not take place, estimating these would not affect the outcome.

Another Kakanfo On The March, By Dare Babarinsa

 

Few months ago, Otunba Gani Adams informed me that our baba, Kabiyesi Alayeluwa, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, the Alaafin of Oyo, was going to honour him with the historic title of Are Ona Kakanfo, an office that is surrounded with so much myths and drama. For Adams, this is a singular honour so much different from all the others he has garnered since he emerged on the stage as a significant and controversial presence in the self-determination group. Adams has given meaning to the militant phase of our struggle against military rule and the second phase that is still playing out now in creating a new Commonwealth.

Adams is the national coordinator of the Oodua Peoples Congress, OPC, but apart from this, he is involved in more eclectic enterprises. On the cultural plane, he is the organizer and founder of the yearly Olokun Festival, set up to honour the Yoruba goddess of the sea and wealth. He is of the opinion that politics should not be left to politicians alone. He believes that the Yoruba people of Nigeria should be under only one regional government to maximize their advantage and advance their economic and cultural interests. With the new honour coming from Oyo, Adams now has a pedestal to pursue those interests.

 

Adams was one of the young people who heeded the call of Dr Frederick Iseotan Fasehun, the founder and President of OPC. Fasehun, Nigeria’s leading anesthesiologist and enterprising physician had abandoned the stethoscope for the dangerous enterprise of opposing military rule, especially after the infamy of the June 12 annulment. Fasehun reminds one of another physician, Dr. Agostinho Neto, the poet and freedom fighter who became the first President of independent Angola. In 1995, he invited me to his house in Isolo to discuss the nascent Oodua Peoples Congress, OPC, and wanted us to collaborate. Most right-thinking Nigerians felt seriously insulted by the criminal annulment of Chief Moshood Abiola’s victory at the June 12, 1993, presidential election. I told Fasehun about Idile Oodua and that though we share similar objectives, it was my colleagues’ advice that the lion and the leopard should hunt in different neigbourhoods. He agreed with us.

Fasehun is one of the bravest men I ever met. In 1996, Chief Anthony Enahoro who was on the hit-list of the Sani Abacha killer squad decided to flee the country. This was after Enahoro’s old friend, the incomparable Osibakoro, Chief Alfred Rewane, was assassinated by suspected agents of the military junta. With the help of a foreign embassy in Lagos, the veteran nationalist and journalist had been in hiding for many weeks while the killer-squad was desperately searching for him. Few days to his departure, Enahoro was brought to the home of our redoubtable leader, Dr. Amos Akingba, a man who fitted that era of danger and daring like he was created for it. It was from the home of Akingba in Ikeja that Fasehun led the team that took Enahoro from Nigeria to the Republic of Benin through the famous NADECO (National Democratic Coalition) route to begin his journey into exile that would ultimately end in the United States.

But Fasehun, who refused to go into exile, was soon caught in the Abacha net when he was arrested in December 1996. He was to remain in the gulag under the most humiliating condition until General Sani Abacha died suddenly in 1998 and General Abdulsalami Abubakar came to power. Abubakar freed Fasehun along with other political prisoners. By the time he returned in 1998, his organisation, the OPC, had become a behemoth. It was easily the most visible of the several self-determination groups and Fasehun towered above other militant leaders like Rotimi Obadofin and Abiodun Kolawole. The metamorphosis was complete, the success was great and so were the troubles. Many of his followers wanted a different kind of organisation from the one that Fasehun ran before he went into detention. The struggle was intense and the contradictions soon led to serious split and bloodletting. Senator Abraham Aderibigbe Adesanya, the leader of Afenifere, the mainstream Yoruba political and cultural movement, was seriously worried about this and tried to find a solution to it. One of the measures taken was the formation of the Coalition of Yoruba Self-Determination Groups, COSEG, bringing in all the militant groups under one umbrella.

Despite the formation of COSEG, the contradictions within the OPC persisted and this led to the permanent schism with the formation of the Gani Adams faction in 1999. With continuous disruption of peace in the South-West, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, the new President, ordered for the arrest of Adams who was accused of “heineous crimes,” including the assassination of a police officer in Bariga, Lagos. Adams denied the charges, saying, “We are not confrontational.” He added: “We are fighting for self-determination, sovereign national conference and loose federation.”

 

But he went into hiding and the government put a one million naira price on his head, a lot of money in 2001. President Olusegun Obasanjo gave a marching order to the Inspector-General of Police, Musliu Smith, and the then Lagos State Commissioner of Police, Mike Okiro, that Adams must be captured dead or alive. Okiro, a lawyer, was later to serve with distinction as the Inspector-General of Police.

The situation worried every Yoruba leader. I met with Baba Adesanya in his Apapa, Lagos residence, on his invitation. He was worried about the official clampdown on the OPC and its leadership. He said it would be disastrous if Adams was killed by the police. He said we should get Adams to surrender so that he can have his day in court. He promised that Afenifere would help him with legal representation. I promised that we would take action.

I sent messages to Adams in his hideout through our mutual friends that I would like to see him. Soon his emissaries came to my office at Acme Road, Ogba, and we took off to Adams’ safe house in Agege. We met Adams in an ebullient spirit and in the midst of his people presumably senior members of the OPC. Some youths were holding video recording cameras. I delivered my message and there was immediate uproar. They said no, we will fight. I told them the game is different now and Olusegun Obasanjo was now our elected President. We will fight, but only through the legal and democratic process. Nigeria has shed too much blood. Adams agreed to surrender through his lawyers.

 

The following day, I met with Okiro at the Police Command Headquarters in Ikeja and told him that Adams has agreed to surrender and that his lawyers would contact the police. I said if he is killed, even by accident, it would be regarded as enemy action by many people. Okiro promised to take appropriate action. Few days later I was with Baba Adesanya again at his Apapa residence to discuss another matter when someone called him on the phone. Adams had been captured. Baba was worried whether he was alright. We later called other people and a police officer confirmed that he was with them but unhurt.

Since then, Adams has transformed from an irascible militant into a sophisticated public figure. He has immersed himself in self-education and has acquired more knowledge about traditional Yoruba politics and modern Nigerian power play. He is an asset in the intractable struggle to re-arrange Nigeria and put the Yoruba people from the River Niger to the Atlantic under one government. This was the expectation of the founding fathers of Nigeria, especially Chief Obafemi Awolowo and his colleagues of the old Action Group, AG. The only obstacle to achieving that goal today is the clan of mostly decadent Yoruba political class who regards the current structure of the Nigerian Commonwealth as a boon for their members.

The Kakanfo is an old Oyo title. However, it has acquired pan-Yoruba significance especially since the Yoruba wars of the 19th Century. Though the Kakanfo is not part of the Iwarefa (the kingmakers) chiefs in Oyo, called the Oyomesi, he is regarded as third in rank and second only to the Basorun. Being the head of the military, he must live outside the capital. That practice is only peculiar to Oyo among the old Yoruba states. In other Yoruba kingdoms, the head of the military, called the Balogun, the Lejua, the Bafon and other titles, was allowed to live in the capital of each kingdom.

 

In the 19th Century, three kakanfos created the allure of the title and its pan-Yoruba significance. Afonja, who was based in Ilorin, was the Kakanfo who rebelled against his overlord, the Alaafin. His Fulani guests and collaborators later staged a coup against him, got him executed, and seized the rulership of Ilorin till today. His rebellion led to the fall of Oyo and the destruction and subjugation of many Yoruba towns under the trammel of the Fulani. The second was Kurumi, who was based in Ijaiye, helped Atiba to create the present city of Oyo, but who opposed Atiba’s son and successor Alaafin Adelu. Kurumi insisted that Adelu must die with his father according to the Constitution of the old country, instead of becoming the Alaafin. Ibadan, the new military power, opposed him. War was inevitable and Ijaiye was defeated. The victorious Ibadan ruler, Oluyole, a descendant of Alaafin Abiodun, felt the title of Kakanfo was inferior and proclaimed himself the Basorun, though the real Basorun was still alive and well in the new Oyo.

The third Kakanfo was Latoosa, the ruler of Ibadan, who violated the ethos of the old Yoruba country which stipulated that every prince who can trace his roots to the Royal House of Oduduwa in Ile-Ife is co-eval with his colleagues and has the right to independence. Latoosa sent his troops to subdue the Ekiti, Ife, Egba, Igbomina and the Ijesha kingdoms and these led to a state of general wars culminating in the 16-year Ekitiparapo War. More than 500,000 soldiers participated in the gory conflict until it stalemated into a bloody daily struggle halted only by the imposition of British colonial rule in the closing years of the 19th Century. Latoosa, who moved his headquarters to the Ibadan war camp in Igbajo, died during the conflict. After that war, the Alaafin refused to confer the title of Kakanfo anymore until Alaafin Bello Gbadegesin Ladigbolu II, gave the title to Chief Ladoke Akintola, then the Premier of the defunct Western Region.

The fear that was expressed when Chief Moshood Abiola took the title in 1988 is still being voiced now that Adams is stepping into his shoes. The belief is that the Kakanfo would not die a peaceful death. However, it is on record that Ojo Aburumaku, who succeeded Kurumi as Kakanfo, died peacefully in his home at Ogbomoso.