Good-bye, Rasheed! Adieu, Dear Aburo, Adieu…By Wole Soyinka

img_3082He still owes me a visit. After he spied a rug from his factory years ago, on which a lion had been emblazoned, it became even more pressing. He revealed that he had seen that design and decided that it belonged to me, nowhere else, so he commandeered it and packaged it off to me. I sent word back some time later that I had found the perfect place for the rug, this being the studio room downstairs in my Ijegba home, which I named IGBALE AGBA. I declared that I would not formally declare that room open without him. We fixed a date, then another, and now, there are no new dates to negotiate.

In the LAGOS@50 monthly series in which we celebrate the five Lagos divisions known as I-B-I-L-E, this December was to have been the turn of Ikorodu, third in line, and Rasheed’s early play, ECHOES FROM THE LAGOON, was already scheduled. In the process of re-acquainting myself with his works, I was reminded of Gbadamosi’s early creative promise. I wrote him, lamenting that the Artistic world had lost him to business. It is impossible to quantify the personal consolation I derive from having sent him that note just a fortnight or so before he took his leave of us.

In strict terms of course, the artistic world never lost Rasheed. That was where his soul was, and he manifested it in the commitment that made him turn his estate into a vast exhibition gallery of Nigerian painters, to which many flock till today. Rasheed – let this be stressed as a public challenge – Rasheed put his money where his heart beat! Both young and old generation artists will testify to this in abundance.

But finally, he left us. Fate is often cruel, very cruel when hope has been raised. I had been optimistic, not only optimistic but proactively so. At the start of our collaboration, I confess I had been sceptical over his stamina. He looked frail, so I protested to him and his minders – Tell him to take it easy. He needn’t come to this or that meeting or whatever event. Rasheed had his own ideas however, and insisted on nearly full, productive participation. So I changed gears. I had recognised a fighter, and I found it challenging. I now became querulous when I failed to see him at an event – let him do more and more, I insisted. It was doing him good, so I demanded more of the same for him. And he still owed me that visit…!

Only a few weeks ago, we had lunch together – a working lunch, drawing up new options for an often frustrating exercise. On that unsuspecting day, I watched him undergoing his physiotherapy session before we proceeded to lunch, prepared by his deceptively light framed but courageous wife. How was one expected to have remotely conjectured that this was to be our ‘Last Supper’ together!

Adieu, dear aburo, adieu.

Enu E La Wa Yi By Pius Adesanmi

Prof! Prof! Prof, you picked my call today? Chai, rain will fall o.
Ai tete mole… So how are you doing, my son? Good to hear from you today o. In fact, you are your father’s son. I was just reading about the yawa in your school today and thinking about you.
But Prof, it’s not good o, you are not going to write about it?
Why should I?
Prof, but you said you have read the news now. They increased our school fees just like that. From N145,000 to N160,000. Our school has been closed.
That your Ambrose Alli University sef. Yes, I read the news on Sahara Reporters but I still don’t know why you are saying I must write about it.
Well, Prof, if your people at Sahara carried it, you should also support us now.
Well, you do know that I have a life outside of Nigeriana, don’t you? Besides, I don’t see any reason why the new school fees should be a problem for you, I mean you in particular.
Ah, Prof, please o, which one are you saying again? Yawa gas for your son o.
Well, you are forgetting that you are one undergraduate whose Wall I follow because you are one of my many adopted sons in Nigerian Universities. How have you been reacting all day to the major headline on that same Sahara Reporters?
Prof, you mean that nonsense news about our former first lady?
Yes, that is what I mean. Shebi you have been abusing Sahara Reporters and doing APC versus PDP, Buhari versus Jonathan all over the place since morning. Now that you have exhausted the most productive part of your day defending our former first lady and abusing Sahara Reporters for partisanship, you finally remember your school fees and you come to me to lend a voice. Meanwhile, you are now praising the same Sahara Reporters for covering the wahala in your school. Have you forgotten that me wey you call your honorary Papa, I am only interested in the fact of theft and not the politics of theft? Is that not what I preach? Do I not say that I am not interested in the ethnicity, the religion, or the party identity of theft? You think that your interest in the politics of theft all day has escaped me? I’ve been using the corner of one eye to read what you have been posting in defense of your oppressor today.
But, Prof, I was just separating issues.
Me, I am putting issues together and I am also gauging your priorities. You come to me about the school fees yawa in your school after hours in social media trenches fighting another woman’s dollar battles with the Nigerian state. The way I see it, if you don’t mind losing $175 million to our former first lady, why are you grumbling about a minimal increase in your school fees? In fact, I expect you to help your parents out by letting them know that you can now afford to sponsor your own education. Do they know how many hours of your life you have spent defending the wife of a Nigerian politician today? Do you think there is a connection between theft of public funds and why you are paying higher fees and your school is dilapidated?
But Prof, it is not like that now.
My friend, shut up. It is like that for me. Any member of your generation that I mentor personally and call my own – and I have lots of you guys from every ethnicity, every faith, every party, every part of the Nigerian divide – will now have to be forced to see past partisan puerilities in the context of corruption in Nigeria. We will enter the same trouser till you get your priorities right. Shey e ni e loro gbo ni. Enu e la wa yi.

Olaniwun Ajayi: The Passing of A Titan, By Tatalo Alamu

img_2735Column and columnist mourn the passing of the elder statesman, revered Afenifere grandee, distinguished author, lawyer and legendary political operative behind the curtain, Sir Olaniwun Ajayi. A man of muscular Christianity and deep spiritual faith, Sir Olaniwun was also one of the most sophisticated and accomplished political chess players thrown up by the Awo tradition in Nigeria’s modern political history.

As an avatar of the creed of apostolic followership, he was ready to do anything for an adored leader he regarded as next to God and for a political cause he regarded as sacrosanct and sanctified by the presiding deities of his people. If it led to a certain rigidity and inflexibility of strategy and tactics, so be it.

If it warrants a prompt foreclosure of other competing options then to the devil with such options. It was adamant discipleship at its most visionary and ennobling. They do not come like this anymore. Yet in a multi-ethnic nation with other competing deities, it was bound to lead to a permanent collision of altars and a seething confrontation with other faiths powered by equal zeal and self-belief.

But like his surviving fellow disciples, the late political juggernaut was not about to be fazed by such little national difficulties. In fact, they seem to relish the slow-motion adversarial leisureliness of the permanent Yoruba political warfare. “Ijafaajini’ja Yoruba”, as one of them famously put it. Whether in frenzied opposition or wary collaboration with the centre, it is this questing and questioning spirit dating back to the Oduduwa Revolution a millennium earlier that has defined the essence of the Yoruba Question in modern Nigeria.

As it is said, looking at a king’s mouth, no one would ever believe that he suckled at his mother’s breasts. It is hard to imagine that Sir Olaniwun was a self-made man who had lifted himself up by the bootstraps slogging his way through primary school and teacher training college before finally making his way to England to study law when he was already the headmaster of a local primary school. It is an inspirational story worthy of emulation by generations to come.

Compact, well-built, erect till the very end and carrying himself with an understated aristocratic flair which remindedone of ancient Yoruba nobility, the late patriarch was a man of immense personal charms and abiding generosity of spirit. But only the most foolhardy would take this as a license for political rascality. Behind the smooth and alluring exterior, there was a hint of steel infrastructure.

Till the very end, the old man was concerned and disturbed by the fate of his people in the colonial conundrum that is Nigeria. A few weeks back, he had come for a meeting somewhere in Bourdillon, Ikoyi together with Chief Ayo Adebanjo and Pa Rueben Fasoranti to deliberate on the fractious nature of Yoruba politics and the way forward. He had spoken extempore and without notes for almost an hour. Nobody guessed then that he had come to say goodbye. May his soul rest in perfect peace. Adieu papa and his “piping hot” pounded yam.

Red Card, Green Card– Notes Towards the Management of Hysteria, By Wole Soyinka

img_2984I shall begin on a morbid note. One of the horror stories that emerged from the Daesh (Isis) controlled parts of Iraq was the gruesome tale of the mother who had a daughter affected by wanderlust, even in that endangered zone. One day, when she looked for her to attend to some home chores, she found that she had gone missing yet again. As she searched, she shouted in frustration: ”As Allah is my witness, I’ll kill that girl when I catch up with her”. A neighbour overheard and reported her to the Hisbah. The mother was summoned by the mullahs who ordered her to put the child to death, since she had sworn by Allah. She refused, so they took the child by the legs and smashed her head against a wall. End of story. True or false? It certainly was published as true testimony. That is all I have to say to the ”literalists” who obsess over a time scheme of their own assessment. Thus, failure to have torn my Green Card ”the moment” that I learnt that Mr. Donald Trump had won the presidential elections of the USA. It did not matter what I was doing at the time – teaching, eating, swimming, praying, under the shower or whatever. Or a family member saying, ”Wait for me!” – speculatively please, no such disturbance ever took place. If it did however, I am supposed to contact the Nigerian media – to whom I have never spoken, and who never contacted me – except one – to beg permission to pursue a realistic definition of ”the moment”. Media fascism is however a subject for another day.
For now, that moment having passed, I must be culpable of breaking a solemn promise. By the way, since we are on the terrain of literalism, has anyone attempted to ”tear” or rip apart a Green Card? Even a Credit Card? For the average hands, that would take some doing! I have actually considered garden shears for a dramatic resolution, this being closer to my real profession.
I have been asked several times – interestingly only by the foreign media, with the exception of THE INTERVIEW – whether indeed I did make such a statement at any time, and whether I still intended to carry it out, but the answer remains a categorical ’Yes’. Not recently, mind you, nor, in the inaccurate blazing PUNCH headline of Thursday Nov. 16, but in the accurate wording that is contained in the actual story on page 9. So, where and when did I first notably make that declaration. Answer: Addressing a group of students at Oxford University and fielding questions. It was NOT a public lecture. I have never summoned a press conference on the issue. The organizers did not invite the (unregistered) Association of Nigerian Internet habituees. It was the accustomed student seminar format that moved from the light-hearted to the serious, the ridiculous and (hopefully) the profound and back again. I even used the encounter to compare my threat with the public antics of a former president – unnamed, I assure you – who tore up his party membership card of a moribund ruling party. Whatever my failings, I do not lack originality, and I was not about to find myself indebted to that contumacious general!
Nonetheless, did I mean what I said – that is, ’exiting’ the USA? Absolutely, and that is the very theme of this address. It will not attempt to deal with the notion of an exit time-table as conceived by others, as if even the incumbent US president and his replacement are not even permitted over two months to pack their bags and prepare to move in and out of the White House, but must exchange positions the very moment that a winner was proclaimed. Anyone would think that the Brexit Vote made it imperative for the Brits to plunge into the English Channel instantly, instead of negotiating two years for an orderly withdrawal. Plebians like me of course need far less time, nevertheless they do not uproot overnight. Any other proposition speaks of a permanent agenda, of frustration and hidden histories – such as opportunities to rehabilitate themselves in the public eye. There is also recession in the land, and I can understand the psychology of impotence and thus, transferred aggression. Let it be understood – before I move even one word further – that I interrupted my present commitment in the United States solely for an urgent meeting with the Ooni of Ife on an ongoing project. I am obliged to return to the US in a matter of two or three days to complete my interrupted mission. Fortunately, that mission is guaranteed to end long before the United States becomes Trumpland Real Estate.
And now we move from absurd, frankly idiotic distractions to Substance. Why, in any case, am I pulling out of the United States? Why – as demanded of me by some of my genuinely concerned and sober interlocutors around the world – why such an extreme reaction? Why the terminal response to the elections of another land? Also, and perhaps most crucially, why am I left virtually mouth agape at the furore my stance has engendered? I simply fail to understand why this has gone beyond a flurry of public commentary and hilarious cartoons, and turned into a masturbatory for some, a vomitory for others, and an epileptic sanatorium for a self-reproducing number? Why, in genuine bafflement, do I experience astonishment? Why do people find this commonplace, accessible-to-all act so extraordinary?
The answers to all the foregoing can be summed up in a familiar expression: a life of environmental sanitation, or call it – sanity. My temperament requires a certain minimum level of environmental health to function properly. I use the word ’temperament’ as a historical fact, a personality development that first manifested itself all the way back to student days, and has remained consistent all my life. Nowhere is perfect, certainly not all the time. Nonetheless, every human being has this need, however approximate, some perhaps with objective awareness, others intuitively, some more acutely and intensely than others, especially when defined by their professions, occupations, social and other involvements. The craving is common to all humanity – if I am wrong, then I must have dropped from Mars.
Here now is a potted history of the choices made by this contributor over the years in pursuit of this need, all the way from student days. Read carefully and learn!
As a student in Leeds University, one of whose subjects was Spanish, I steadily refused to accompany other students on long vacation job opportunities in Spain, designed to make us master the spoken part of the language. Apart from the Isle of Man, I went to France and Holland instead, whose languages were not part of my studies. And yet I had already fallen in love with flamenco music – played for us from records by our Spanish lecturer, and was dying to watch flamenco dancing in the flesh. Language study however involves, as we all know, the study of a people´s history and culture. I had encountered the history of the Spanish Civil War, the violent overthrow of a legitimate Republican government, and the ’white terror’ of the Falangist leader, General Franco. I identified with the volunteer soldiers of the International Brigade. Spain was under boycott in parts of Europe, so there was a choice to be made. I refused to step into Spain until years after I had graduated and returned home, and General Franco was certified dead and buried. A personal choice.
Australia: It is now some twelve to fifteen years since I issued a Red Card to Australia, unannounced. That Red Card subsists till today. The occasion was a conference of PEN International, and I had made the usual visa application. When the forms arrived, I found the requirements for applicants over 70 years (I think) so obnoxious, intrusive, and degrading that I refused to fill them. Negotiations with the Australian government by Australian PEN led to an exception being made for me. When it was communicated, I wrote back: Absolutely Not. I refused to be the token geriatric. That application document was highly disrespectful of age and I wondered what kind of mentality had crafted it, wondered if the Australians themselves knew what image was being projected in their name. I said to our go-betweens: Not for a moment am I equating myself with Desmond Tutu or Nelson Mandela, but they are older. Does it mean that, if they decide to visit Australia, you would subject them to this form of degradation?
Till today, I have routinely declined any invitation to Australia, a country I had visited years earlier to sumptuous hospitality. I learnt some time ago that the obnoxious requirements have been removed but have not bothered to check. The reason was this follow-up: a journalist heard about my absence from the PEN conference and made enquiries. He interviewed me and I told him the cause. After visiting the Australian embassy for their side of the story, he reported back that the diplomat in charge responded to his questions with the comment that the embassy was too busy with more important matters. I did not make a fuss. My position was based on principle but, basically, it was a personal affair between me and Australia. It remains so till today.
China: I did not, could not visit China for years after Tienanmen Square. I was dying to visit that remarkable nation of culture and history, itching to go with every invitation. The Chinese ambassador in Nigeria tried to win me over after the ousting of the Gang of Four. I declined, but accepted the books he had told me did not exist while the Thought of Chairman Mao ruled the waves. Even when, years later, one of the top American travel agents organized a visit of Nobel laureates with mouth watering honoraria, I could not bring myself to join others. Constantly swimming before my eyes was the image of armoured trucks and tanks running over students encamped in Tienanmen Square, leaving behind rivulets of blood. Before I eventually accepted an invitation from the University of Beijing, I checked with some of the dissident poets – was it a decent time to visit? Had sufficient time passed for the average survivor of that carnage to obtain closure? Until they gave me the green light, I refused all invitations. Again I did not fuss. I did not call an international press conference in the interim.
Back home to our continent – this time, post-Apartheid South Africa. How many of these hysterical purveyors of Internet obscenities – including some printed media – are aware that for nearly two years, I handed South Africa the Red Card? And why? Because of her then astonishing display of xenophobia, most notably against Nigerians. I was a personal recipient of that treatment which took place – of all occasions imaginable – on the occasion of my visit to deliver a three-part memorial lecture in honour of the late Nelson Mandela. Undoubtedly, on that very occasion, there had been a misunderstanding over visa issuance. Nonetheless, taken in the context of the rampant humiliation of Nigerians at the hands of South African authorities, and the South African civic pockets also, I went to the final lecture with my luggage. The moment I concluded the last of my lectures, I insisted on being driven to the airport, silently shaking off the South African dust off my feet for ever. It was only to my hosts that I uttered the declaration that they were seeing me in their nation for the last time. Until I withdrew the Red Card, I did not summon the Press.
Now, how did that boycott end? It is a remarkable story which deserves its place in the narratives of sheer serendipity. It involved Dennis Brutus, the South African poet, an enlightened Head of Nigerian Immigration and, indirectly, Archishop Desmond Tutu and Albie Sachs, former chairman of the South African Constitutional Court. Also, retrospectively, the role played by Nelson Mandela’s widow, Graca Machel, during my ordeal at the airport. While the boycott lasted however, I declined between seven to nine invitations to South Africa, including a UNESCO event that was however billed to take place there. The ending of that boycott, like the beginning, was ultimately my private and personal decision.
Shall we take Cuba, that revolutionary island where I was personally decorated by Fidel Castro with the Felix Valera medal of honour? Despite all efforts by the then Cuban ambassador to Nigeria, and very valued friends and colleagues in Cuba, I issued her my usual silent card some years ago. I found the execution of those ill-fated adventurers who tried to escape on a raft excessive, not forgetting the shooting down of a hi-jacked plane. Were their acts condemnable? Indisputably! Did the punishment fit the crime however? My answer is obvious – No. Jose Saramago, the late Portuguese Nobelist had apparently taken the same position, as I found out when we both met at a subsequent event in Cuba when our Cuban boycotts eventually ended. Were we wrong or right? That is immaterial. The point is that neither called a press conference or publicised our individual decisions. They were personal decisions, made independently.
And so on, and on, and on….brief to prolonged, reluctant to instant boycotts of places of normally congenial roosting, for a variety of reasons, and dictated by individual temperaments. And so we come finally to Donald Trump, and the sometimes travesty of collective choice.
I was in New York during the run-up to elections. I watched this face, its body language, listened to his uncouth, racist language, his imbecilic harangues, the insults to other peoples, other races, especially the Hispanics, Africans and Afro-Americans, even citing once – I was told – Nigeria as an instance of the burdensome occupation of global space. I watched and listened, disbelievingly, since this was America, supposedly now freed to a large extent – as we like to believe and have a right to expect – from its lamentable history of racism. But I saw, not only this would-be president but – enthusing followers on populist a populist roll at the expense of minorities! I followed the fluctuating poll statistics. I began to warn my colleagues, friends, my family: listen, this thing is happening right before our very eyes. This is how it begins, how humanity ends up with Cambodia, with Rwanda, with Da’esh. We are watching a Hitlerite phenomenon. We are witnessing history in reverse, unravelling before a complacent world. I said to them, if this man wins, I am relocating. It had gone beyond a joke. They all said, it will never happen. Even a day to elections, some Nigerians, with whom I had a meeting in New York, waved off the possibility. The entire world goofed – T.B. Joshua and other pundits, charlatans and experts alike. A colleague at Harvard mentioned the celebrations that would follow the election, but shortly after, confessed his concerns, cursing the FBI man who had chosen to intervene at an unprecedented stage in the elections.
Again, I said to him, I shall relocate if Trump wins. He said, I’m coming with you, echoing numerous other colleagues to whom I had sounded the same alert. I promised them all political asylum! So, it was nothing new, the Oxford comment. Whatever language I used is my familiar language, not the language of Da’esh or its local impotent surrogates.
Finally, here is something very personal, but I have to answer the question of my genuine interlocutors in matching sincerity.
Our US base and family home in California – Abacha instigated – faces a rockhill known as Mount Baldy. It has survived the menace of fires, so close to disaster that we were placed on evacuation alert a number of times and were once actually bundled out by the police for over forty-eight hours. A fireball overflew the house on one occasion, landed some distance from ours and consumed that unlucky home. Not too far away, an escaping family took a wrong turn and lost their lives in the flames. Nothing of such menacing interludes ever brought to the fore the remotest consideration of relocating! However – and let this be stressed to all those who are strangers to the world of images – for this individual called Wole Soyinka, the superimposition of the Trumpian face on those bare mountain slabs began to take on reality, a reality that probably became even three-dimensional, like the massive faces of those former US presidents that remain gouged into the peaks of Mount Rushmore in South Dakota, visited by millions. My environment, albeit a substitute one for our authentic home in the forests of Ijegba – had become compromised. That is all I shall write on the reality of superimposition – the notion of waking up every day of habitation and seeing on that mountain slab the face of Donald Trump on my borrowed preserve, where, from upstairs, I sometimes stood in bouts of contemplation, especially whenever the house was empty.
For me, something is gone. Again, I speak for myself, not for my family who are, in any case, also American citizens, an acquisition that I have declined I cannot recall how often. Let me repeat, even that portion of empathy that comes from intimate occupancy and usage over the years, and where the products of my ”extra mileage” were born, has become violated. It is still home, second home, but one individual named Donald Trump – and his cohorts – have ruined its hard-earned companionship and serenity, built up over the years. As I keep repeating, these issues are personal.
And so, back from our quick excursions to Asia and the Antipodes, what is so special about America that an agenda of abandonment creates such hysteria? I am incapable of double standards in these matters. Why do individuals feel threatened? I have never invited anyone to join me in my purely personal odyssey, begun before most of these sniveling upstarts were born. Is it the Green Card that sets America apart? Then perhaps it is time to repay the compliment with a Red card, as in soccer. I am not aware that the world’s oxygen storage tanks are located in the US of A, so that we cannot breathe away from it. I shall always compliment the American success story on many fronts, including the fact that millions of migrants derive their very living – including crucial send-home remittances – from her generosity. Many of us will always be grateful to her government at the time for sheltering both our persons and our mission during the Abacha years. However, we are also individuals, with specific needs, different sensibilities, and definitions of productive environments and thus, up to this moment, my Wolexit stands.
It is a personal thing. Perhaps it will help even further if I remind you of what I wrote in my memoirs: YOU MUST SET FORTH AT DAWN. There I confessed that my greatest – and irrational – fear in exile was that if I died outside Nigeria, my well-meaning family, colleagues and friends, would bring my body home. I took firm steps. The thought of resting within that earth while it was trampled over by a despotic monster whom I thoroughly despised, was the absurd but all-consuming fear that I had all through that deadly struggle. Obviously that fear has been eliminated, but then, having watched this American Wonder rise to power through a contemptible denigration of my sector of humanity, through mockery and jeers of my origin, I no longer find that environment congenial either for work or leisure, and I have signalled my unambiguous intent to exit. No one else is invited.
Well now, a remarkable development. I stated earlier that the issue is not just one individual called Donald Trump, but the human environment that he and his ilk have spawned, one that contributes to a toxic environment across the globe, with the rise of ultra-nationalism and exclusionist politics. That environment is however engendering counter aspects to that created by Trump’s lowest common demonimator in followership. Spontaneous protests have sprung up across the country. Too late, I’m afraid, and ineffectual, since Democracy has the last word, and its rituals have been concluded. The law of the land will prevail. However, I have been considerably cheered by the spontaneous manifestation of this rejection of the shame and horror that a ”majority” has imposed on the totality. Americans will have to live with it, but there is hope. Even before the street protests, something rather strange had taken place.
On the very morning of the conclusion of elections when I switched away from one news channel to the next, the screen went suddenly blank. Then came a scrolled message that called for a quiet, peaceful revolution. It went on and on, without voice or images, and it was non-partisan, since it rejected not only Trump but Clinton as befitting candidates but declared American democracy a sham. It went on to complicate matters by identifying an individual – Bernie Saunders – by name as an acceptable leader of a new movement. It excoriated past governance policies, dismissed even Obamacare as a failure – I disagree by the way – and urged viewers again and again to LET’S TALK ABOUT IT. LET’S MEET ON THE INTERNET. LET A PEACEFUL REVOLUTION BEGIN etc. etc. It could have been Channel 33 or 34, I am no longer sure. A serious, viable movement? Maybe not sustainable under the present system, but it goes into that multi-faceted network that leads to the eventual sanitization of any socio-political environment. And then, latest of the latest, the state of California has mounted a referendum for secession, within her constitutional rights. Quite an unpredictable prospect but, much as I am predisposed to upheavals by vox populi, I prefer to be out of the environment, being a non-citizen.
Let me end with a Red Card to those noisome creatures, the nattering nit-wits of Internet: maybe Trumpland is not as despicable as the Naijaland you impose on our reality from your secure cesspits of anonymity. Go back to school. Your problem is ignorance, ignorance of whatever subject you so readily comment upon. Learn to study your subject before opening up on issues beyond your grasp. Sometimes you make one feel like swapping one green for another, out of embarrassment for occupying the same national space as you. But don’t get nervous, or start jumping for joy too soon – the Nigerian passport is just as tough to rip, physically, as is the Green Card, so I’ll stay put in my private Green Belt – the one I have named the Autonomous Republic of Ijegba. I negotiate my relations with both peoples and nations from its internal protocols – yes, that is indeed arrogance for you, but an arrogance of several decades’ principled growth. I carry that patch of green with me, everywhere, in a secure, invisible, and inaccessible pouch! It is that warehouse of ingrained sensibilities that engendered my decision.
WOLEXIT stands – I coined that deliberately, to signify repossession of my space of legitimate decisions. The media can nitpick over details – that is your profession. At long last, totally oblivious of the ongoing cacophony that had sprung up in my absence, I finally did receive for the first time a brief questionnaire from a Nigerian journal, The INTERVIEW, and one other. I responded. My exit time schema applies, not yours. If it even becomes convenient to bring it forward, I intend to do so, but please don’t come at me with plaints of time imprecision. I never discussed it with you, nor invited you to a private decision whose execution was already in the making. Do not try to browbeat me. It’s a waste of time – all you have to do is immerse yourselves in my antecedents.
Wole SOYINKA

Arise O journalist, Buhari’s Call Obey, By Sonala Olumhense

As everyone now knows, Dr. Reuben Abati, who was President Goodluck Jonathan’s spokesman for four years, was recently arrested by the anti-corruption agency, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission.
Unrefuted reports say he was confronted with an allegation he received N50m from his government’s National Security Adviser (NSA) Sambo Dasuki and his $2.1 billion military equipment fund that was diverted to other uses.
Hopefully, some of this is false, otherwise it is professionally insulting. I mean, others were picking up money by the truckload but Abati only got one Ghana-Must-Go? At the lower levels, Olisah Metuh, who was not even a government man, is talking transactions in the hundreds of millions. Doyin Okupe, who was brought into the government merely to relieve Abati of a few duties, has confessed to picking up from Dasuki N50m on two occasions; yet Abati himself received only a miserly N50m?

But that is not why I am here. I write this because of what Abati is said to have done with the N50m. He reportedly told the EFCC that he gave the money to journalists in a media relations effort.
Parenthesis: Almost by definition, nobody who got money from Dasuki spent it on themselves. Each of them passed it on to others.
Anyhow, the former presidential adviser is said to have informed the investigators that, alas, he is unable to remember who the beneficiary journalists are.
I know there are Nigerians who do not believe Dr. Abati on this point. How can he say, they ask, that he cannot remember the people to whom he distributed just N50m in the last two years?
I would not say that. For one thing, I forget things too. And I imagine it is easier to be forgetful when trained investigators give you the hottest sit in the room, having wired it by themselves ahead of your arrival, and then start to ask crafty questions.
The truth is that it is not important what Abati remembers. What is important is what the journalists—and it is safe to presume these are media chieftains and perhaps State House correspondents—remember.
Each of the journalists who picked up something—a brown envelope, a stuffed GMG, or a case of vintage Akinloye champagne—remembers. And I hereby encourage them, because we know they all support President Muhammadu Buhari’s war against corruption, to return what they received.
The way I see it, if all the media people involved return what they were given, and Abati is invited back to add it all up, it will come to N50m. The media people would have done the best by their country and by the former presidential spokesman who, only because his memory failed him last week, did not embarrass them.
The Abati investigation raises the query: exactly how were the Dasuki funds being distributed? Was there a committee, or could anyone in the government just walk to him? Who authorised the payments or raised the vouchers, if any were required? Did Dasuki originate, authorise and disburse? Did you have to sign one of those big civil service registers as Dasuki walked to his cashier cage, counted out the money and handed over through his little cashier window?
President Jonathan has recently said that Dasuki did not steal any money. Of course not, especially as “stealing” is hardly the charge, but did GEJ know any of those cash outlays were being outlayed? If so, when did he know it, and did he simply laugh, knowing that no stealing was going on, and that even if it was, stealing was not corruption?
The point is that GEJ has not been asked any questions by the Buhari government about anything ethically unseemly. The answer seems to be in the recent revelation that the government is not interested in putting anyone in jail, and just wants all stolen funds returned.
A related revelation came last Sunday from Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, who told some Nigerians in the United States that his government does not teleguide the security agencies and the EFCC and would not interfere if they moved against Mr. Jonathan.
He meant, I think, that the rule of law prevails, and that the anti-corruption thing in Nigeria is not political.
I’ll take those three items back to front. Any serious anti-corruption initiative anywhere is, and should be, political. Whenever and wherever it is a conscious policy to identify and punish corruption, it is political, and should be. It is political will that provides strength and sustainability for an anti-corruption endeavour.
Legality: An anti-corruption initiative must be founded in law if it is to be respected by the people, and honoured by time. But legality does not simply mean due process, it also means obeying court orders.
In that regard, of the infractions of this standard that the Buhari government has committed in its first 18 months, the most notable is its refusal to obey the February 2016 order by the Federal High Court to publish up-to-date information on recovered funds since 1999. It stated that that governments during the period have “breached the fundamental principles of transparency and accountability for failing to disclose details about the spending of recovered stolen public funds, including on a dedicated website.”
That was nine months ago, but the government has carried on as if the order was never made.
Third, Vice President Osinbajo did not specify the EFCC during his remarks in Houston; I do so to make the point that when the Buhari government speaks of combating corruption these days, it talks about the EFCC. As we know, hardly any other agency has any form of credibility or presence in the field. Consider that with barely a whisper from the executive recently, the Senate amended the Code of Conduct Bureau Act to transfer control from the Presidency to the National Assembly. Also recently, in response to the bungled arrest of judicial officers by the Department State Services, President Buhari ordered that the matter be transferred to the EFCC.
Yes, the EFCC happens to have credible leadership now. Acting Chairman Ibrahim Magu is a gift to the country, and to Buhari’s war, but he doesn’t even have a letter of appointment. That is: not only has his appointment not been confirmed by the Senate, there are reports of a conspiracy to kick him out of the job.
And yet, on his shoulders appear to rest the fate of the anti-corruption offensive in Nigeria, and in effect, of the government. Not only has the government sub-leased its essence, it has done so to a clearly over-burdened agency.
Still, it is to the EFCC that the journalists who allegedly received the Abati campaign largesse must refund what they received. While the professional standard is simply that a journalist ought not collect gifts from those they report, dear colleague, you had no way of knowing its illegitimate origins let alone that it was blood money.
But now you do, and may plead differently only at the risk of being exposed as an accomplice to the crime. Who knows what worse revelations may be on the way?
Arise, dear colleague, and set the right example.

 

Source: SUNDAY PUNCH

Why We Must Heal Our Nation, By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, I really don’t know how you feel about the endless tension in our dear beloved country but I’m deeply troubled. I know it is in the character of those who have been seriously damaged and terribly frustrated by the Nigerian system to want to drop blood by all means. But has it ever achieved anything tangible? The answer is a big NO!

I have been participating in street demonstrations since I entered the then University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University) as a pioneer JAMBITE in the year of our Lord 1978. I have lost count of how many demonstrations we’ve had with its attendant collateral damages, including several untimely deaths. Wole Soyinka is over 80 today. He has been fighting to see a reasonable and competent government in Nigeria for as long as I can remember. One of the books I wished to find and read so desperately was The Man Died, a most volatile and controversial prison memoir, written by the Nobel laureate under very excruciating conditions by Soyinka.

Soyinka’s friend, Christopher Okigbo, the famous poet, was not so lucky. He returned home to join the Biafra agitation for self-determination but lost his precious life to one of the dastardliest civil wars known to mankind. That genocide, if I can call it that, did not produce any sincere change at the end of the day.

The gadfly, Gani Fawehinmi, probably suffered more detentions than any soul in Nigerian history. Like the irrepressible abiku, or ogbanje, Gani went in and out of prisons, including the much dreaded Gashua and Kuje and eventually succumbed to the merciless grip of cancer. Gani never saw the Nigeria of his dream. Ditto for the famous educationist, Tai Solarin. I remember the socialist crusader participating in a June 12 procession and being tear-gassed despite being an asthmatic sufferer. He died soon after. Nigeria moved on as always.

The apparent winner of the June 12, 1993, presidential election, Moshood Abiola, was the worst victim of all. After winning an election fair and square, he was rewarded with imprisonment and death. His businesses perished thus throwing his families and countless dependents into total commotion and famish. Still Nigerians carried on as lackadaisically as ever. As a matter of fact, the more you look, the less you are likely to see in our clime. We seem so hardened that nothing can move or touch us. Abiola died nearly 20 years ago but till this day, nothing has been done to honour him. That is who we are.

We continue to live perpetually in strife. Governments come, governments go. Nigeria remains stuck in crisis. Every leader acts as if in competition with his predecessors. Bitterness in never too far away. I often wonder how many enemies Nelson Mandela would have butchered if he was a Nigeria. We simply lack the spirit of forgiveness. Nigeria is bleeding dangerously today as a result of our obstinate and fastidious romance with vindictiveness. Only God can rescue us.

How I wish we could truly practice what our religions preach. Love is common to most faiths. But love is nowhere to be found. Let me go straight to my point. Nigeria is 56 years old as an independent nation. In those energy-sapping years, Nigeria has known no real peace. Nigeria has acquired unenviable notoriety as a sordidly corrupt nation. Different governments came and promised to wipe out corruption but they’ve never been able to even scratch on the surface. The modus operandi have been one and the same and yet we expect different results. More often than nothing, the targets are so predictable. And there are always enough acolytes to support anything under the son.

Today, former President, Goodluck Jonathan is the biggest villain in Nigeria. Everyone who cares knows I was never his fan. His government messed up big time. But there is one thing he did that no reasonable person should ever forget, he averted war in Nigeria last year. He set a new standard for our polluted political climate by calling his main opponent and conceding defeat in an unprecedented manner. We can easily take this gesture for granted because we escaped another massacre in our country but this was a heroic feat deed indeed.

Goodluck Jonathan governed for five full years as President and did his best even if he performed below expectation. I’ve watched with incredulity how we’ve all suddenly become saints and Jonathan and his gang have become the super demons. The biggest crime they committed was to divert monies meant for security. Some were recklessly shared and others were spent mindlessly on funding elections. Very bad, no doubt. It would be nice to retrieve as much as can be traced, certainly. But I wish to humbly submit that this must be done without appearing to be vengeful.

We all know how elections are funded in Nigeria. If we get down to brass tacks, there would be none without blemish. Most elections are funded with proceeds of corruption. Presidential elections alone would easily and readily gulp billions of Naira. It is usually the responsibility of governors to mobilise resources by throwing the states vaults open for the bazaar. This is the reality, whether we admit it or not. When tomorrow comes, we may be prolonging doomsday by engaging in this ding dong affair.

I was particularly miffed by the travails of the erstwhile Presidential spokesman, Reuben Abati. While we should not condone an act of abuse of office, I fail to see what made his case so special when there are many fat cats roaming the streets with their loot. Unless there are other details not known to us, Reuben was given money by a superior. I wouldn’t have expected him to ask or know the source of the fund. Such minor infractions can be overlooked and should be forgiven while the billionaire politicians that litter everywhere should be of primary target. A man carrying elephant on his head should never worry about ants on the ground. We have more than enough problems to grapple with. Some people ruled Nigeria for 50 years and frittered away most of the resources, especially the oil money. If they were allowed to roam freely, we should be careful how we treat Jonathan.

We should not touch the tiger by the tail.

A TOAST TO THE SULTAN OF SOKOTO

It gives me great pleasure to propose this toast to one of Africa’s greatest monarchs, Sultan Muhammadu Sa’ad III. I met him one on one last year when I accompanied my best friend, Adedamola Aderemi, the Prince of Ile-Ife, on a visit to the historic city of Uthman Dan Fodio. It was such an exhilarating experience for us.

As conservative as we expected The Sultan to be, he was surprisingly progressive. Since then, we’ve remained in communication. I call him and he makes the effort to call back and we usually chat like old buddies. I have grown very fond of him. Once I hear “hello Mr Ovation”, I know His Eminence is on the line. He is a truly remarkable and cerebral leader. A man who is well loved by his people and respected around the country, for promoting peace and stability.

As the 20th Sultan of Sokoto, His Eminence has increasingly transformed himself into a national symbol of unity, and that is why it is necessary to celebrate this scion of the great Caliphate who is marking his 10th anniversary on the throne.

 

Fashola Is Igbo And His Loyalty Is Questionable

By Olu Akinwale

img_2725The recent comment by Orji Uzor Kalu, the former governor of Abia State that if Babatunde Fashola, former governor of Lagos State were Ibo, he would have betrayed Tinubu is both laughable and questionable. How Kalu reached that conclusion beats imagination. Never knew he was a character or behavioral expert. However, just as many will agree that he misses the point in his characterization of the Igbo people and their political competency, he also went off mark in crediting Fashola with marks he does not deserve.

Let’s start from the beginning. Is Fashola really of a full Yoruba parentage? No. Fashola’s mother iIgbo by tribe, while his father hailed from Ado-Ekiti. Lets set the record straight.
Fashola only bid his time s the turn of events have shown. The Igbo blood in Fashola has always been at work. This Igbo blood dominated his political relations while in office and even now as Minister.
Fashola’s loyalty has always been in question. Now, we know that all the while he was up to something else.
Who abandons his benefactor because of some irreconcilable differences? Who decides to team up with others just to work against the interest of his benefactor? Who turns around to denigrate or bite the hand that fed him? Take a look at fashola and you will find your answer.
In Nigeria’s recent history, the greatest beneficiary of political godfatherism is Fashola. From a struggling lawyer to his elevation as chief of staff and bang, as executive governor of Lagos for eight years.

Good Night, Mr. Trump, By Chidi Amuta

In a few days time, America’s meritocratic political system will present a bulky casualty. Mr. Donald Trump will in all likelihood fail the examination of a system that really scrutinises those who aspire to lead the nation. As the various polls indicate, the American electorate have largely scored Mr. Trump badly. All that showmanship and posturing will end up in a concession speech which Mr. Trump’s elephantine ego may be too reluctant to make. But the prospect of a President Trump is dead on arrival. In about one week, the first Woman will ascend the most powerful political leadership position in the world.

Perhaps all this was a well-choreographed drama of heightened expectations by a consummate businessman with eyes set on profit than on political supremacy. In a revealing expose in summer 2015, The Times of London disclosed that the last person whose counsel Trump sought by a phone call before he decided to run for the presidency was Bill Clinton. All that now belongs in a past that prepared the world for this moment.
The unlikely prospect of a Trump presidency was minimally nightmarish and even apocalyptic. In his ill-digested bid to ‘make America great again’, Mr. Trump spent a whole campaign year regaling his countrymen and women and indeed the whole world with glimpses of a tragedy foretold and a disaster in the making. He was going to build a wall at the US-Mexico border at Mexico’s expense to keep illegal Mexican immigrants- a cocktail of assorted criminals- away. He would shut out unwanted aliens especially Muslims from the United States and subject those who must enter to a series of ideological pre-entry tests. An anti-immigrant task force will come knocking on nearly every door to fish out and deport undocumented immigrants from the US irrespective of whether their off spring are bona fide US citizens.
His prospective international menace was even more frightening. He would let nations with the means — South Korea, Germany, Japan, Saudi Arabia etc. — acquire and use nuclear weapons if only to reduce America’s financial burdens abroad. He openly admired Vladimir Putin and regretted the liquidation of Muamar Gadhafi and Saddam Hussein! It is of course true that America’s foreign policy for a good part of the 20th and early 21st centuries has not been too rewarding to others. In pursuit of its national interests abroad, America has blundered variously. It has felled bloody dictators only to vicariously erect dangerous armed bandits in Iraq and Libya for instance. It has destabilised whole regions and upset traditional balances of power in Vietnam while problematising territorial disputes like over the South China Sea. But on balance, the United States in the post World War II period has been more an agent of global order than that of instability.
On the domestic front, Trump may have had a few disjointed welcoming sound bites about bringing back American jobs from Mexico and China. He probably forgot that US manufacturers shipped their operations abroad in search of cheaper labour and lower production costs following the aggressive unionisation of labour in the Ronald Reagan days. He could be excused for appealing to the popular sentiments of the unemployed for political advantage.
But the revelations about his moral indiscretions especially in his relationship with women are inexcusable. In the life of a normal male, it is perhaps healthy to stroke some breast here, thump some buttocks there or steal a peck over there, if done with mutual consent behind closed doors. But for a wealthy man to abuse his power of money and celebrity to prey on women as a sport is a reckless assault on and debasement of womanhood. To proceed therefrom to seek the most powerful office in the world is arrogant insensitivity writ large.
Mr. Trump’s singular qualification for seeking to lead the free world is his credential as a businessman. He endlessly brandished an unverified net worth which he personally put at over $10 billion. Subsequent scrutiny suggested Mr. Trump might be worth only about half that figure when you factor in all manner of accounting and exposure inconsistencies. He is still rich by any standard but his endless bragging about his wealth is very un-American in many senses.
That is the nation of Sam Walton, founder of Wal-Mart whose choice location was behind the shop till and whose favourite vehicle was a pickup truck. That is the nation of Bill Gates, easily the world’s richest single individual who still drives himself to work and who resisted that Microsoft should buy a business jet just to ferry him to and from meetings around the world. Not to talk of the great Warren Buffet who has lived in the same modest apartment almost all his life in spite of a net worth that is over five times that of the egocentric loud-mouthed Trump. Let us not talk of the younger really wealthy Americans like Mark Zuckerberg with his $38 billion, who is so enamoured of his jeans and T-shirts that he hardly varies the colours!
In a nation that has long been greeted as the bastion of global capitalism, the minimum expectation is that anyone who hoists a business credential would at least pass the minimal tests of compliance and relative transparency. Not for Trump. He refused to disclose his tax returns and the brief details that the media sneaked out indicated that the man had not paid personal income tax for close to two decades while the maids and janitors in his gleaming high rise hotels sweated to pay personal income tax from their starvation wages.
For capitalism and American business, Trump remains a sad advertisement. Inherent in the crisis of global capitalism today is a certain moral crisis. The crisis is inherent in the global inequality, which the triumph of the capitalist free market has engendered all over the world. While capitalism has created immense prosperity for the top 2% of Americans, it has left the vast base of the pyramid frustrated, impoverished and dejected. Capitalism is therefore under severe moral pressure to don a more human face, to show greater social responsibility and indicate that the end of profit can still be served if employers of labour show a greater compassion for the welfare of their employees. I am not sure Mr. Trump understands these higher truths.
Not for Trump the nuanced refinement of political rhetoric. Not for him the depth of knowledge on policy issues or indeed the higher ideals of diplomatic candour. He shot straight from the hip or groin whichever prompted him first. I doubt that he understood the imperative for the future leadership of the United States to provide leadership in mitigating capitalism’s risk of latent self-destruction. Instead, he would pursue policies of protectionism, shutting out immigrants and competitive trade arrangements with other countries, agreements that enabled American business to embrace global competitiveness. He would erect trade and tariff barriers against China, Japan, Mexico and practically every other nation that his narrow perspective saw as a threat to America’s economic supremacy. For the United States, this meant a recourse to the early 19th century populism of Andrew Jackson who appealed to ‘the common man’ or the protectionist isolationism of the 1930s associated with men like Smoot-Hawley and Charles Lindbergh.
Even if Trump were to be the finest of businessmen in America, the contest that he waded into remains first a political one. The rules of business and those of politics are divergent. A businessman who decides to go into politics must first learn the idiom, methods and idiosyncrasies of politics and politicians. Trump began to fail the moment he decided that he would introduce the methods of his brand of business to change American politics and politicians. He said he wanted to straighten out Washington. He would get Congress to rubber stamp his whims, caprices and prejudices; he would make ‘great trade deals’ on behalf of the USA, the way he had done for Trump Incorporated. He would deliberately overdraw on the national debt and then default (or declare serial bankruptcies as in his own businesses) in order to negotiate a discount later etc. In short, he would bring America back to ‘profitability’ or greatness a la Trump Incorporated.
But alas, no one in his nebulous campaign had the courage to tell Mr. Trump that nations are not businesses. They are political entities that exist to manage the expectations and meet the needs of the greatest majority of diverse peoples. Nations are successful not when they make a ‘profit’ but only when they are managed by politicians to meet the greatest expectations of the greatest majority.
By their nature, nations and their governments are wired to do things that would look stupid to business leaders and the boards they serve. Governments build big houses that no one would live in or asked for. They waste big money on silly elaborate ceremonies that feed the pomposity of state occasion and sate the idiocy of officialdom. If you subtract the foolish things governments pay for from the sensible few things they do, nearly every government in the world would return a profit in a business sense. But government is government: a carefully structured and universally licensed and accepted foolery.
Of course Trumpism as a decadent variant of conservatism has had its followership not just in the United States but elsewhere by other names. Its primary appeal is the urge to constrict national spaces and resources to a native square. The nation state becomes more or less a tribe of narrow-minded demagogues, a playground for opportunistic troublemakers and part time political rascals intent on hacking down the traditional establishment. The rhetoric is a drive for ‘change’ from politics as usual to political anarchism. It demolishes but has no plan to reconstruct.
The ready and lazy excuse is that global recession with its attendant unemployment, inequality and declining opportunities has made it imperative for nations to retract inwards in the direction of primordial, even nativist reflexes in order to protect their own. Unfortunately for the likes of Trump, the strategies for pursuing Trumpism would necessarily include racial intolerance, anti-immigration, xenophobia, torture of terror suspects and a regress to legitimised authoritarianism.
In the case of Trump and the United States, however, the pursuit of policies and rhetoric that promotes these negative values run counter to the bedrock of the founding vision of America. America was founded as a nation of immigrants, a place of great diversity and immense opportunity for those ready to work. Its strength and purpose derive from these fundamental values, which have catapulted it in a quarter of a century from an experimental nation into a global civilisation. It was designed as diverse, expansive and inclusive force for global good, not as shrinking bastion of smallness and meanness.
Trump and his brand of conservatism represent a threat to America’s founding principles. He put forward and spent one year canvassing this ideology of shrinkage and meanness to the pleasure of a minority of unschooled Americans most of whom have little or no idea of global geography. This was rather to the discomfiture of the vast majority of decent Americans: Women, Latinos, African-Americans, Muslims, Christians, Hindus, atheists and persons with college education whose demographics overwhelm Trump’s misguided malevolent crowd.
There is therefore a larger sense in which the imminent US presidential election can be seen as a referendum on Trumpism. The imminent rejection of Mr. Trump at the polls would be a loud rejection of his decadent brand of conservatism. Already, the reversals in the British economy as a result of Brexit are lesson enough that xenophobic rascality of the sort that has come to be associated with politicians like Trump and his friend Nigel Farage of UK’s UKIP have no place in a world that shares common misfortunes and seeks common triumphs.
•Dr. Amuta is Chairman, Wilson & Weizmann Associates Ltd, Lagos, Nigeria

Blessed Are The Rich and Powerful? By Pius Adesanmi

Father Emmanuel Ojeifo, when next you see our elder and mutual friend, Bishop Mathew Hassan Kukah, please tell him that I am extremely displeased with his recent pastoral visit to Dasuki’s high-profile financial laureates – Femi Fani-Kayode, Musiliu Obanikoro, and Reuben Abati. He went to ensure that the detainees are comfortable and in high spirits. Tell him that I made my displeasure public. I am very unhappy. This is no time to be sending certain kinds of messages.
I have been in the Catholic faith my whole life so I know a thing or two about the symbolic uses of pastoral visits – beyond the spiritual essence of same. To deploy such visits in the service of political VIPs is in bad taste. The Catholic clergy would normally use such visits to shore up the spirit of humble and repentant prisoners or indicted detainees. And such visits are often to the lowly, the poor, and the weak for a reason.
There is a reason Pope Francis went to wash the feet of poor prisoners in Rome’s Rebibbia prison last year. Italy has lots of corrupt political crooks. The Pope could have gone to inspect and ensure that they are detained in five-star facilities and to report to the world that such VIPs were “looking cheerful”.
Again, I do not think that Catholic clergy should be anywhere near anything that could be perceived as solidarity visits to political recidivists. If Obanikoro, Fani-Kayode, and Abati are in need of a pastoral visit, Bishop Kukah should please allow their brother, Pastor Femi Aribisala, to take care of things on that side. They also have Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor. And Pastor Wendell Simlin. That clan has no shortage of in-house men of God. Let these Pastors take care of their own flock abeg.
Nigeria can be very frustrating in terms of preferential treatment for the elite. While Bishop Kukah was visiting VIPs instead of visiting nameless and unknown Nigerians usually detained without trial for years for petty misdemeanors, Mr. Ahmed Raji, (SAN), counsel to Dasuki, was busy arguing today that a political solution should be reached in the case of his client because of “the calibre of people involved”.
That is a lawyer and a SAN arguing in broad daylight in Nigeria that the law should treat the rich and the powerful differently. When they steal, they should face political settlement as opposed to the poor who should face criminal trial fire.
If I had my way, Mr. Ahmed Raji’s SAN citation would be auctioned and the proceeds used to send him back to 100-Level in any Nigerian University teaching civics. Shior.

Sultan Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar At 10: A Tribute

By Wazirin Katsina

Sultan of Sokoto Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubabar
Sultan of Sokoto Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubabar

The Hausa say: “Sawun Giwa Ya Take Na Rakumi” (literally, ‘The Elephant’s Footprint Obliterates that of the Camel’ or, ‘Small Matters Vanish When Bigger Ones Appear’). Today, our series on “Change…” will have to give way to a nonpareil anniversary – Ten Years of Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar as Sultan of Sokoto. This Sultan exhibits one particular Prophet Quality; he makes all, big and small, feel important. He calls by name and banters with people whose village heads may not consider worthy of friendship. The Prophet of Islam Muhammad, upon whom be peace, was said to be so friendly that each of his companions felt they were his favourite. So with this Sultan. But there is always E Pluribus Unum (‘Gaba Da Gabanta’), as the Americans would say. That ‘Unum’, or ‘First Among Equals’, is definitely the Waziri of Katsina, Professor Sani Abubakar Lugga. All who know the Sultan know that Wazirin Katsina is a very close confidante. The Waziri writes this Tribute – none better!

The Amirul Mumineen, His Eminence, Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar III, LLD, CFR, mni, is the Spiritual Leader of Nigerian Muslims, 20th Sultan and Titular Ruler of Sokoto Caliphate, President-General of Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, President-General of Jama’atu Nasril Islam, Chairman of Northern Nigeria Traditional Rulers’ Council, Chairman of National Council of Nigerian Traditional Rulers, Co-Chairman of Nigerian Inter-Religious Council, Member of the National Institute (mni), holder of nine Honorary Doctorate Degrees, awardee of seven Military Distinguished Service Medals, retired Brigadier General of the Nigerian Army and former Nigeria’s Defence Adviser to several foreign countries.
The Sokoto Caliphate, over which Sultan rules, is the largest Empire in Africa since the fall of Songhai Empire in 1591. At its zenith, the Caliphate stretched from Massina in modern day Mali (in the north) to Ilorin and Old Oyo in modern day Nigeria (in the south). It also stretched from Dori in modern day Burkina Faso (in the west) to Garoua in modern day Cameroon and Moundou in modern day Chad (in the east). Indeed, at the time of the 1894/95 Berlin Conference (where Colonialists partitioned Africa and Asia into their colonies) Sokoto Caliphate was the largest Empire in Africa stretching over 1,500 Km from Garoua to Dori (east to west)! It was seconded in size and bordered on the north-east by the Kanem-Borno Empire – which informs that from colonial times till today, the Sultan of Sokoto heads Nigerian Muslims and the Shehu of Borno serves as his Deputy.
This Sultan was appointed as the 20th Sultan of Sokoto on Thursday 2nd November 2006 to succeed his senior brother Sultan Muhammad Maccido who died in a plane crash at the Nnamdi Azikiwe Airport, Abuja. Right from the day of his official installation, the Sultan had said he would a father to all Muslims and a brother to all people irrespective of their ethnic or religious leanings, or their social or economic status. His vision was for Muslims and non-Muslims to live in peace and harmony with one another for the progress and development of our dear nation in particular and the world in general; his mission is to ensure the cultivation and sustenance of his vision.
My first contact with the Sultan was in August 2007 (when he was about nine months on the throne). We were on a courtesy call of Katsina (Islamic) University led by its Board Chairman His Royal Highness Emir of Kazaure Alhaji (Dr) Najib Husaini Adamu, CON, while I was Secretary General of Katsina Islamic Foundation (founders and proprietors of Katsina Islamic University). I was asked to brief His Eminence on the University Project and on his appointment as Grand Patron of Katsina Islamic Foundation. After my briefing, the Sultan responded briefly in a calm and calculated manner, saying, interalia:
“We thank Allah (SWT) for giving us this first Islamic University in Nigeria. We must strive to make it a centre of excellence, where education coupled with morality shall be the guiding principles. We must make the University a centre of excellence from where the true teachings of Islam shall be propagated not only in Nigeria but to the whole world…”
Those brief philosophical words of wisdom kept ringing in my ears and gave me confidence that Nigerian Muslims had now got a leader who would lead them into building bridges on the unfortunate man-made gullies of religion and ethnicity that bedevilled the nation. I watched this chosen man of Allah very closely over these ten years on the throne. The Sultan is without doubt the most travelled traditional ruler contemporary Nigeria has known, and almost all his journeys have been for peace making among the diverse ethnic and religious communities of our badly battered nation.
With the fine qualities of Sultan Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar III, many of us knew that it was only a matter of time that this fine gentleman would be given a befitting recognition for his peace-building efforts. To our delight, it was reported that the Sultan and John Cardinal Onaiyekan, then Roman Catholic Archbishop of Abuja, were jointly nominated for the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize (“for their efforts at campaigning against the misuse of religion”) alongside former US President Bill Clinton and the European Union, which ultimately won it.
Whether it was a nomination or a proposal, the expectation of peace-loving Nigerians was high, but alas, the two highly respected men did not win the Nobel Peace Prize. But as we were lamenting that loss, the December 3, 2012 edition of one of Nigeria’s most influential newspapers, LEADERSHIP, carried the pictures of the Sultan and the Cardinal on its front page proclaiming them “PERSONS OF THE YEAR 2012”. The newspaper explained its choice:
“In a year when religious turmoil deteriorated to a frighteningly new level and a number of religious leaders lost their heads [the Sultan and the Cardinal] emerged as powerful moderating voices that fundamentally prevented the country from toppling over. By their words, actions, gestures and comportment, they reminded us of what leadership really means. For deploying their voices of restraint at crucial moments to keep the country’s fragile peace, these soldiers of faith are LEADERSHIP Persons of the Year 2012.”
As if with premonition of his future role, when the future Sultan was a soldier participant on the Senior Executive Course No. 28 at the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) earlier in 2006 had written his graduating research paper on “Religious Extremism As a National Security Problem: Strategies for Sustainable Solutions”.
“The Muslim 500: The World’s Most Influential Muslims”, an international publication produced in Jordan that assesses influential Muslims all over the world, placed our Sultan as No. 22 out of 500 World’s Most Influential Muslims. The publication says:
“[No. 22] The Sultan of Sokoto is the spiritual leader of Nigeria’s enormous Muslim community. He gains this position by lineage. Sa’ad Abubakar is the 20th heir to the two-century-old throne founded by his ancestor, Sheikh Usman Danfodio (1754-1817 CE) who was a scholar, leader of the Maliki School of Islam and the Qadiri branch of Sufism and Islamic reformer of the nineteenth century.”
May Allah elongate the life of the Sultan and continue to make him beneficial to Nigerian Muslims as well as all Nigerians. Amin!